1887

What do Spanish copulas have in common with Tibetan evidentials?

The Spanish copula estar ‘be.stage-level’ has both well-known aspectual restrictions and evidential uses. Tibetan evidential ‘dug also shows similar aspectual constraints. Both features are derived from assuming that the relevant property in both cases is the gradability of the predicate, which establishes a comparison class within-individuals (yielding estar ‘be.stage-level’) or between-individuals (yielding ser ‘be.individual-level’). A between-individual comparison class is anchored by the nature of the comparison, whereas a within-individual comparison class must be contextually located. This location requirement results in the possibility of having evidential readings.

References

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    (1993) Structural form and utterance context in Lhasa Tibetan: Grammar and indexicality in a non-configurational language. New York, NY: Peter Lang.
    [Google Scholar]
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    (2006) Individuals in time: Tense, aspect and the individual/stage distinction. Amsterdam, The Netherlands: John Benjamins. doi: 10.1075/la.94
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    (1972) Degree words. The Hague, The Netherlands: Mouton. doi: 10.1515/9783110877786
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    (2012)  Ser and estar: Individual/stage level predicates or aspect?In J.I. Hualde , A. Olarrea & E. O’Rourke (Eds.), The handbook of hispanic linguistics (Blackwell handbooks in linguistics) (pp.453–476). Oxford, England: Wiley-Blackwell. doi: 10.1002/9781118228098.ch22
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    (2014) A note on participial adjectives. Paper presented at theColoquium on Generative Grammar Workshop in Honor of Violeta Demonte. Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales, Madrid, Spain: May 30, 2014.
    [Google Scholar]
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    (2011) The lexical syntax of ser and estar (Unpublished manuscript). Barcelona, Spain: Universitat Autònoma de BarcelonaandCollege Park, MD: University of Maryland.
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  26. Jiménez-Fernández, Á
    (2012) What information structure tells us about individual/stage-level predicates. Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics, 1, 1–32. Retrieved fromseptentrio.uit.no/index.php/borealis/article/view/2293/2163 doi: 10.7557/1.1.1.2293
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    (1995) Two types of small clauses (toward a syntax of theme/rheme relations). In A. Cardinaletti & M.T. Guasti (Eds.), Small clauses (pp.179–206). New York, NY: Academic Press.
    [Google Scholar]
  38. Roby, D.B
    (2009)  Aspect and the categorization of states: The case of ser and estar in Spanish . Amsterdam, The Netherlands: John Benjamins. doi: 10.1075/slcs.114
    https://doi.org/10.1075/slcs.114 [Google Scholar]
  39. Sassoon, G.W
    (2011) Adjectival vs. nominal categorization processes: The rule vs. similarity hypothesis. Belgian Journal of Linguistics, 25, 104–147. doi: 10.1075/bjl.25.06sas
    https://doi.org/10.1075/bjl.25.06sas [Google Scholar]
  40. (2007) Vagueness, gradability and typicality: A comprehensive semantic analysis. Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation). Tel Aviv, Israel: Tel Aviv University.
    [Google Scholar]
  41. Schmitt, C
    (1992)  Ser and estar: A matter of aspect. In NELS 22 Proceedings of the North East Linguistic Society (pp.411–425). Amherst, MA: GLSA Publications.
    [Google Scholar]
  42. Speas, P
    (2010) Evidentials as generalized functional heads. In A.M. di Sciullo (Ed.), Interface legibility at the edge (pp.127–150). Oxford, England: Oxford University Press.
    [Google Scholar]
  43. Speas, M
    (2004) Evidentiality, logophoricity and the syntactic representation of pragmatic features. Lingua, 114, 255–276. doi: 10.1016/S0024‑3841(03)00030‑5
    https://doi.org/10.1016/S0024-3841(03)00030-5 [Google Scholar]
  44. Toledo, A. , & Sasoon, G
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    [Google Scholar]
  47. Zagona, K
    (2012)  Ser and estar: Phrase structure and aspect. In C. Nishida & C. Russi (Eds.), Building a bridge between linguistic communities of the Old and the New World, Cahiers Chronos, 25 (pp.303–327). Amsterdam, The Netherlands: Rodopi.
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References

  1. Agha, A
    (1993) Structural form and utterance context in Lhasa Tibetan: Grammar and indexicality in a non-configurational language. New York, NY: Peter Lang.
    [Google Scholar]
  2. Arche, M.J
    (2006) Individuals in time: Tense, aspect and the individual/stage distinction. Amsterdam, The Netherlands: John Benjamins. doi: 10.1075/la.94
    https://doi.org/10.1075/la.94 [Google Scholar]
  3. Bolinger, D
    (1972) Degree words. The Hague, The Netherlands: Mouton. doi: 10.1515/9783110877786
    https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110877786 [Google Scholar]
  4. Brucart, J.M
    (2012) Copular alternations in Spanish and Catalan attributive sentences. Linguística: Revista de Estudos Linguísticos da Universidade do Porto, 7, 9–43.
    [Google Scholar]
  5. (2010) La alternancia ser y estar y las construcciones atributivas de localización. In A. Avellana (Ed.), Actas del V Encuentro de Gramática Generativa (pp.115–152). Neuquén, Argentina: Editorial Universitaria del Comahue.
    [Google Scholar]
  6. Camacho, J
    (2012)  Ser and estar: Individual/stage level predicates or aspect?In J.I. Hualde , A. Olarrea & E. O’Rourke (Eds.), The handbook of hispanic linguistics (Blackwell handbooks in linguistics) (pp.453–476). Oxford, England: Wiley-Blackwell. doi: 10.1002/9781118228098.ch22
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    [Google Scholar]
  8. Constantinescu, C
    (2011) Gradability in the nominal domain. Utrecht, The Netherlands: LOT.
    [Google Scholar]
  9. Contreras, H. , & Zagona, K
    (2014) A note on participial adjectives. Paper presented at theColoquium on Generative Grammar Workshop in Honor of Violeta Demonte. Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales, Madrid, Spain: May 30, 2014.
    [Google Scholar]
  10. Crespo, L
    (1946) Los verbos ser y estar explicados por un nativo. Hispania, 29, 45–55. doi: 10.2307/333126
    https://doi.org/10.2307/333126 [Google Scholar]
  11. Diesing, M
    (1992) Indefinites. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press.
    [Google Scholar]
  12. DeLancey, S
    (1986) Evidentiality and volitionality in Tibetan. In W. Chafe & J. Nichols . (Eds.), Evidentiality: The linguistic coding of epistemology (pp.203–213). Norwood, NJ: Ablex.
    [Google Scholar]
  13. Escandell-Vidal, M.V. , & Leonetti, M
    (2002) Coercion and the stage/individual distinction. In J. Gutierrez-Rexach (Ed.), From words to discourse: Trends in Spanish semantics and pragmatics (pp.159–179). Oxford, England: Elsevier Science.
    [Google Scholar]
  14. Fábregas, A
    (2012) A guide to il and sl in Spanish: Properties, problems and proposals. Borealis. An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics, 1(2), 1–71. doi: 10.7557/1.1.2.2296
    https://doi.org/10.7557/1.1.2.2296 [Google Scholar]
  15. Falk, J
    (1979) Visión de norma general vs. norma individual. Ensayo de explicación de la oposición ser/estar en unión con adjetivos que denotan belleza y corpulencia. Studia Neophilologica, 51, 275–293. doi: 10.1080/00393277908587748
    https://doi.org/10.1080/00393277908587748 [Google Scholar]
  16. Faller, M
    (2002) Semantics and Pragmatics of Evidentials in Cuzco Quechua (Doctoral Dissertation). Stanford, CA: Stanford University.
    [Google Scholar]
  17. Fernández Leborans, M.J
    (1999) La predicación: las oraciones copulativas. In I. Bosque & V. Demonte (Dir.), Gramática descriptiva de la lengua española (pp.2357–2460). Madrid, Spain: RAE/Espasa.
    [Google Scholar]
  18. (1995) Las construcciones con el verbo estar: aspectos sintácticos y semánticos. Verba, 22, 253–284.
    [Google Scholar]
  19. Franco, F. , & Steinmetz, D
    (1986) Taming ser and estar with predicate adjectives. Hispania, 69, 379–386. doi: 10.2307/341698
    https://doi.org/10.2307/341698 [Google Scholar]
  20. Gallego, A. , & Uriagereka, J
    (2011) The lexical syntax of ser and estar (Unpublished manuscript). Barcelona, Spain: Universitat Autònoma de BarcelonaandCollege Park, MD: University of Maryland.
  21. Garrett, J
    (2001) Evidentiality and assertion in Tibetan (Doctoral Dissertation). Los Angeles, CA: University of California.
    [Google Scholar]
  22. Gumiel-Molina, S. , Moreno-Quibén, N. , & Pérez-Jiménez, I
    (2015) Comparison classes and the relative/absolute distinction: A degree-based compositional account of the ser/estar alternation in Spanish. To appear in B. Gehrke & E. Castroviejo (eds.), Degree and manner modification across categories, special volume ofNatural Language and Linguistic Theory. doi: 10.1007/s11049‑015‑9284‑x
    https://doi.org/10.1007/s11049-015-9284-x [Google Scholar]
  23. Gumiel-Molina, S. , & Pérez-Jiménez, I
    (2012a) Aspectual composition in <ser/estar+adjective> structures: Adjectival scalarity and verbal aspect in copular constructions. Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics, 1, 33–62. Retrieved from septentrio.uit.no/index.php/borealis/article/view/2321/2166 DOI: 10.7557/1.1.1.2321
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    [Google Scholar]
  25. Higginbotham, J. , & G. Ramchand
    (1997) The stage-level/individual-level distinction and the mapping hypothesis. In D. Willis (Ed.), Oxford Working Papers in Linguistics, Philology, and Phonetics, vol. 2, (pp.53–83). Oxford, England: Oxford University.
    [Google Scholar]
  26. Jiménez-Fernández, Á
    (2012) What information structure tells us about individual/stage-level predicates. Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics, 1, 1–32. Retrieved fromseptentrio.uit.no/index.php/borealis/article/view/2293/2163 doi: 10.7557/1.1.1.2293
    https://doi.org/10.7557/1.1.1.2293 [Google Scholar]
  27. Kalsang, J.G. , Speas, M. , & de Villiers, J
    (2013) Direct evidentials, case, tense and aspect in Tibetan: Evidence for a general theory of the semantics of evidentials. Natural Language and Linguistics Theory, 31, 517–561. doi: 10.1007/s11049‑013‑9193‑9
    https://doi.org/10.1007/s11049-013-9193-9 [Google Scholar]
  28. Kratzer, A
    (2011) Situations in natural language semantics. In E.N. Zalta (Ed.), The Stanford encyclopedia of philosophy (Fall 2011 edition). Stanford, CA: The Metaphysics Research Lab, Center for the Study of Language and Information, Stanford University. Retrieved from plato.stanford.edu/archives/fall2011/entries/situations-semantics/
    [Google Scholar]
  29. (1995) Stage-level and individual-level predicates. In G.N. Carlson & F.J. Pelletier (Eds.), The generic book (pp.125–175). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
    [Google Scholar]
  30. Kuroda, S.Y
    (1972) Categorical and thetic judgments: Evidence from Japanese syntax. Foundations of Language, 9, 153–185.
    [Google Scholar]
  31. Luján, M
    (1981) The Spanish copulas as aspectual indicators. Lingua, 54, 165–209. doi: 10.1016/0024‑3841(81)90068‑1
    https://doi.org/10.1016/0024-3841(81)90068-1 [Google Scholar]
  32. Maienborn, C
    (2005) A discourse-based account of Spanish ser/estar . Linguistics, 43(1), 155–180. doi: 10.1515/ling.2005.43.1.155
    https://doi.org/10.1515/ling.2005.43.1.155 [Google Scholar]
  33. McNally, L
    (2012) Relative and absolute standards and degree achievements (Unpublished manuscript). Barcelona, Spain: Universitat Pompeu Fabra.
  34. (2011) The relative role of property type and scale structure in explaining the behavior of gradable adjectives. In R. Nouwen , R. van Rooij , U. Sauerland & H. Schmitz (Eds.), ViC 2009 (Papers from the ESSLLI 2009 Workshop on Vagueness in Communication) (pp.151–168). Berlin, Germany: Springer.
    [Google Scholar]
  35. Morzycki, M
    (2009) Degree modification of gradable nouns: Size adjectives and adnominal degree morphemes. Natural Language Semantics, 17, 175–203. doi: 10.1007/s11050‑009‑9045‑7
    https://doi.org/10.1007/s11050-009-9045-7 [Google Scholar]
  36. RAE-ASALE
    (2009) Nueva gramática de la lengua española. Madrid, Spain: RAE/Espasa.
    [Google Scholar]
  37. Raposo, E. , & Uriagereka, J
    (1995) Two types of small clauses (toward a syntax of theme/rheme relations). In A. Cardinaletti & M.T. Guasti (Eds.), Small clauses (pp.179–206). New York, NY: Academic Press.
    [Google Scholar]
  38. Roby, D.B
    (2009)  Aspect and the categorization of states: The case of ser and estar in Spanish . Amsterdam, The Netherlands: John Benjamins. doi: 10.1075/slcs.114
    https://doi.org/10.1075/slcs.114 [Google Scholar]
  39. Sassoon, G.W
    (2011) Adjectival vs. nominal categorization processes: The rule vs. similarity hypothesis. Belgian Journal of Linguistics, 25, 104–147. doi: 10.1075/bjl.25.06sas
    https://doi.org/10.1075/bjl.25.06sas [Google Scholar]
  40. (2007) Vagueness, gradability and typicality: A comprehensive semantic analysis. Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation). Tel Aviv, Israel: Tel Aviv University.
    [Google Scholar]
  41. Schmitt, C
    (1992)  Ser and estar: A matter of aspect. In NELS 22 Proceedings of the North East Linguistic Society (pp.411–425). Amherst, MA: GLSA Publications.
    [Google Scholar]
  42. Speas, P
    (2010) Evidentials as generalized functional heads. In A.M. di Sciullo (Ed.), Interface legibility at the edge (pp.127–150). Oxford, England: Oxford University Press.
    [Google Scholar]
  43. Speas, M
    (2004) Evidentiality, logophoricity and the syntactic representation of pragmatic features. Lingua, 114, 255–276. doi: 10.1016/S0024‑3841(03)00030‑5
    https://doi.org/10.1016/S0024-3841(03)00030-5 [Google Scholar]
  44. Toledo, A. , & Sasoon, G
    (2011a) Absolute vs. relative adjectives – variance within vs. between individuals. In N. Ashton , A. Chereches & D. Lutz (Eds.), Proceedings of Semantic and Linguistic Theory 21. ELanguage, 135–154. Retrieved from elanguage.net/journals/salt/article/view/21.135
    [Google Scholar]
  45. Toledo, A. , & Sassoon, G
    (2011b) Absolute and relative adjectives and their comparison classes (Unpublished manuscript). Amsterdam, The Netherlands: ILLC-University of AmsterdamandUtrecht, The Netherlands: Utrecht University
    [Google Scholar]
  46. Tournadre, N. , & Dorje, S
    (2003) A manual of standard Tibetan. Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion Publications.
    [Google Scholar]
  47. Zagona, K
    (2012)  Ser and estar: Phrase structure and aspect. In C. Nishida & C. Russi (Eds.), Building a bridge between linguistic communities of the Old and the New World, Cahiers Chronos, 25 (pp.303–327). Amsterdam, The Netherlands: Rodopi.
    [Google Scholar]
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