Revisiting /ʁ/-assimilation through schwa
This article revisits the facts underlying the assimilation of /ʁ/ to a preceding consonant in Lower Norman. This assimilation process, which requires the presence of an intervening lexical schwa, could not result from a simple interplay of markedness and faithfulness. The Optimality Theory with Candidate Chains (OT-CC) framework argues that local evaluation models provide more robust generalizations than global evaluation models. The present work offers a complete treatment of /ʁ/ assimilation from an OT-CC perspective and extends the analysis beyond the original data of Northern Cotentinois to include assibilating varieties such as Island Norman.