The structure of complementizerless clauses in Classical Portuguese

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This chapter examines the structure of declarative complement sentences lacking the complementizer que in Classical Portuguese. The goal is to investigate whether such clauses manifest a CP-domain. We present a set of facts related to the position of subjects and adverbs showing that complementizerless clauses do display a left periphery layer, as a result of V-to-C movement. Following a split CP view (Rizzi 1997), we also propose that sentences without que are structures in which verb movement to the embedded C-system makes the peripheral heads Force and Fin to be projected syncretically, thus preventing the activation of discursive projections like TopP or FocP.


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