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Rich results

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Abstract

The first-phase event structure of two verbs typical of the Kannada dative experiencer construction, <i>bar</i>- ‘come’ and <i>aag</i>- ‘happen, become,’ suggests (differently from Ramchand 2008) that stative verbs may project “rich” results and “poor” processes. The properties of <i>bar</i>- are explored vis-à-vis English ‘come.’ <i>Bar</i>- and <i>aag</i>- allow telicity by “classifying events that are themselves already results” (Higginbotham 1999). The result event is a small clause with experiencer and experience in a possession relation, as in the English double object construction; with the difference that Kannada encodes possession with dative case, whereas possessional <i>to</i> in English incorporates into <i>be</i> to yield <i>have</i> (Kayne 1993 [2000]). The dative argument occupies the resultee position; arguments in higher event structure positions (<sc>undergoer or initiator</sc>) are nominative in Kannada.

References

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