Focus, exhaustivity and the syntax &#8232;of <i>Wh</i>-interrogatives

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Hungarian <i>wh</i>-interrogatives are reexamined in light of Horvath&#8217;s (2007) Exhaustivity operator (EI-Op) analysis for movements earlier (mis)construed as triggered by a syntactically active [Focus] feature. Taking a fresh look at the EI-Op proposal, the paper reexamines what drives obligatory <i>wh</i>-preposing in interrogatives, its potential landing sites and relation to preposed non-<i>&#173;wh</i>-phrases, and analyzes the role played by the syntactic EI-Op, a clausal EI0 head, and the head of CP (Force0) in <i>wh</i>-movement and interpretation. I motivate a variant of the cross-linguistically attested phrasal Q-particle, namely a [Q]-bearing EI-Op heading Hungarian &#8220;<i>wh</i>-phrases&#8221;, and show the EI0 clausal head to trigger overt &#8220;<i>wh</i>-movement&#8221;, and the [Q]-feature of the head of CP to only undergo &#8216;Agree&#8217; with the [Q]-bearing EI-Op phrase (alias <i>wh</i>-phrase).


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