On the syntax of the accusative/dative alternation in spatial PPs in Norwegian dative dialects
This paper investigates the systematic alternations between accusative and dative case that is found with spatial prepositions in Norwegian dative dialects. This case alternation is correlated with directional and locative interpretations respectively, and is a phenomenon well known from other (Germanic) languages. The paper argues that the dative/locative type is the default version of any given alternating preposition, and that the accusative/directional version only occurs when the preposition is the head of a small clause predicate PP in the complement domain of the verb phrase. In that case, the accusative/directional property is imposed by a selecting <i>resultative</i> head in the aspectual structure of the verb phrase. In the absence of a <i>resultative</i> head, a PP may be a small clause predicate in the complement domain of the verb phrase and still retain its default locative/dative properties. Thus, it is correctly predicted that we find presentational sentences with both stative and activity verbs taking a locative/dative PP as a small clause predicate.