The Dutch-Afrikaans participial prefix <i>ge-</i>

MyBook is a cheap paperback edition of the original book and will be sold at uniform, low price.
This Chapter is currently unavailable for purchase.

The prefix <i>ge-</i> has become morphologically much less integrated with the past participle (p.p.) in Afrikaans than in Dutch as a result of across the board regularization of the p.p. in Afrikaans. Other changes relating to <i>ge-</i> include the loss of complementary distribution with prefixes such as <i>be-, ver-</i> and <i>ont-</i> and its usage as participial marker on verb clusters. Changes such as these tended to enhance the morphological independence of <i>ge-</i>, implying a change in status from inflectional morpheme to that of clitic. In Standard Afrikaans, however, <i>ge-</i> often remains unrealized because of its optionality owing to a phonological condition specifying that a p.p. consist of an unstressed &#8211; stressed sequence of syllables. This tends to turn <i>ge-</i> into a dummy element, which suggests a movement away from word status and therefore a less likely candidate for grammaticalization. Afrikaans <i>ge-</i> is, however, also characterized by closer association with the function of past tense formation, which suggests resemanticization. In Griqua Afrikaans, <i>ge-/ga-</i> seems to meet criteria for degrammaticalization to a greater extent, to the point of becoming a free morpheme. The latter development has to be discounted as a further step towards degrammaticalization in view of possible substrate influence from free particles in Khoekhoe. Key words: Past participle; affixation, cliticization; degrammaticalization; Dutch; Afrikaans; Griqua Afrikaans


This is a required field
Please enter a valid email address