Sentential coordination and ellipsis

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In this paper we provide a syntactic analysis of <i>free exceptive constructions </i>headed by <i>excepto </i>and <i>salvo </i>(&#8216;except&#8217;) in Spanish: <i>Todos los estudiantes cantaron, {excepto/salvo} Juan </i>(&#8216;Every student sang, except John&#8217;). Our claim is that <i>free exceptives</i> are coordinated elliptical sentences attached to the CP level of a host clause that expresses a generalization statement. We frame our analysis in the Boolean Phrase Hypothesis (Munn 1993), and defend that exceptive markers head a Boolean Phrase, as other coordinating conjunctions do. We also argue that exceptive markers select for a full-fledged CP as complement, whose null C head triggers movement of an XP constituent to its Specifier position (<i>Juan</i>, in the example above) and also triggers a process of ellipsis in which all the syntactic material inside the TP selected by C is marked for PF-deletion, along the lines of Merchant (2003).


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