On bare subject relative clauses in Old French
This paper considers restrictive relatives in OF, of the type <i>Car ne voi tertre</i> <i>nen soeit rases</i> “For I see no small hill (that) is not razed to the ground”. We note that unlike MF, in OF, the relative pronoun <i>qui</i> could be unexpressed in such structures. OF bare subject relatives, we argue, are not instances of parataxis, or a juxtaposition of two independent clauses, because the syntactic characteristics which such an analysis presumes are lacking in OF. For similar reasons (cf. Arteaga 2009), we also reject a CP analysis of bare subject restrictive relative clauses in favor of an IP analysis in which no null relative is proposed. Following (Trihn 2009), we adopt a copy account of these constructions, part of a general rule of syntactic derivation. This, combined with feature checking, required within Minimalism, allows us to derive bare subject relatives in OF.