The aspectual properties of nominalization structures

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In this paper I will primarily discuss the aspectual properties of Greek verb<br />derived nominalizations and address the question of how these interact with<br />morphological marking introducing class and number. Greek nominalizations<br />will be compared to Romanian ones, which have been argued to show clear<br />aspectual distinctions. I argue that Greek derived nominals taking the affix<br />-m- are instances of nominalizations that block culmination and hence are<br />always atelic and for this reason resist pluralization. A distinction will also be<br />made between two types of plurality: one introducing tokenization, available<br />for count nouns and one expletive available only with mass nouns. The latter<br />type is not available in the nominalization, as it is a very low marker of plurality, introduced at the level of the basic predicate.


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