Anaphoricity, logophoricity and intensification
The goal of this paper is to show the existence of an interaction between binding and intensification in light of French possessive <i>son propre</i> (“his own”). <i>Propre</i> (“own”) has two possible interpretations: its semantic effect consists in contrasting either the possessor (<i>possessor propre</i>) or the possessum (<i>possessum propre</i>) with a set of contextually determined alternatives. Crucially, these double intensifying properties of <i>propre</i> correlate with the binding properties of <i>son propre</i>. When <i>son</i> is associated with <i>possessor propre</i>, <i>son propre</i> behaves like an anaphor that can be long distance bound if the antecedent is a logophoric center. However, when <i>son</i> is associated with <i>possessum propre</i>, son propre lacks both anaphoric and logophoric properties. This correlation shows that there is an interaction between the modules of binding and intensification: it is only when the referent of its antecedent (i.e. the possessor) is intensified that <i>son propre</i> needs to be bound.