Givenness and discourse anaphors

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This chapter argues that Catalan Clitic Right Dislocation and English deaccenting package different types of information (contra Vallduv&#237; 1992, Vallduv&#237; &amp; Engdahl 1996), only the former being a true discourse anaphor. This chapter further hypothesizes the following generalization: A language in which stress is displaced to express <i>givenness</i> is a language in which stress assignment is sensitive to syntax, while in a language in which stress assignment is a purely linear phenomenon stress cannot shift. A model of the syntax-phonology interface is sketched in which this generalization follows from the location of stress in the grammatical architecture.


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