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Relativization, intonational phrases and rich left peripheries

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Abstract

This paper provides an analysis of relativizer restrictions in relatives headed by bare quantifiers. I argue that the restriction arises from violations of the requirement to phonetically mark the edge of an intonational phrase. Consequently, the structural position of the relativizer determines grammaticality. I also show that the availability of D in the nominal domain has an effect on the relativizer choice.

References

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