Applicative structure and Mandarin ditransitives

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We argue that applicative heads always appear above the lexical VP, regardless of the semantics of the construction. <i>Thematic Applicatives</i> select a nominal expression and a VP as argument, parallel to Pylkk&#228;nen&#8217;s (2008) &#8220;high&#8221; applicatives. The applied argument is merged in Spec, ApplP and receives a role such as beneficiary. <i>Raising Applicatives</i> appear in the same position above the lexical VP, but do not select an underlying nominal argument. Instead, they attract a goal DP from within the ditransitive VP to their specifier. This pattern captures the properties of a theme-goal ditransitive construction (Pylkk&#228;nen&#8217;s &#8220;low&#8221; applicative). We show that the Mandarin double object construction &#8216;Verb gei IO DO&#8217; instantiates a raising applicative, where gei realizes <i>Appl0</i>.


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