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Obligatory presupposition in discourse

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Abstract

Some presupposition triggers, like <i>too</i>, seem to be obligatory in discourses where the presupposition they induce is explicitely expressed. We show that this phenomenon concerns a larger class than is usually acknowledged, and suggest that this class corresponds to the class of presupposition triggers that have no asserted content. We then propose a pragmatic explanation relying on the neo-gricean notion of antipresupposition. We also show that the phenomenon has a complex interaction with discourse relations.

References

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