Minimal versus not so minimal pronouns
In this article I start out from Kratzer’s (2006) observation that a bound variable interpretation of German 1st and 2nd person (possessive) pronouns shows locality effects. I show how the approach based on syntactic chain formation developed in Reuland (2001, 2005a) resolves a general empirical problem in Kratzer’s theory, while retaining the essence of her insight. I further show that the special interface condition on pronominal feature specification proposed by Kratzer is unnecessary. A general economy approach governing the division of labour between components of the language system is presented, which also subsumes Rule I as modified in Reinhart (2000, 2006).