and the pragmaticalization of <i>bon</i> in contemporary spoken French
The multifunctional nature of discourse-marking <i>bon</i> (well) is well-attested in the literature (Auchlin, 1981; Winther, 1985, Hansen, 1998a and b, Jayez, 2004). Its adverbial and interjective uses can, according to Hansen (1998a), be related to its canonical adjectival use (as in ‘<i>C’est bon</i>’ ‘It’s good’), its discourse-marking and hedging uses being more peripheral extensions of this.Beeching (2007c) charts the remarkable increase in rates of <i>bon</i> usage in both real and apparent time from 1968–2002. The present paper establishes the extent to which <i>bon</i> is pragmaticalizing by investigating its sociosituational variation and distributional frequency in the <i>Corpus de Référence du Français Parlé</i>. The rise in frequency of the compound expressions mais bon and parce que bon suggests a shift towards increased intersubjectivity.