Chapter 5. A Uniform raising analysis for standard and nonstandard relative clauses in Brazilian Portuguese
Based on Kayne’s (1994) analysis of relative clauses, this paper proposes a uniform account of the three types of relative clauses found in Brazilian Portuguese: the standard version (with pied-piping), the resumptive version with an overt pronoun, and the PP-chopping version, where the relativized PP appears to be deleted. We argue that a DP headed by a relative determiner can be base-generated in a left dislocation position in Brazilian Portuguese and this is what yields lack of island effects and apparent PP-chopping relatives. Based on their lexical conditioning, we propose that PP-chopping relatives in fact involve a null pronominal (<i>pro</i>) in the object position licensed by inherent Case.