Chapter 5. A Uniform raising analysis for standard and nonstandard relative clauses in Brazilian Portuguese

MyBook is a cheap paperback edition of the original book and will be sold at uniform, low price.
This Chapter is currently unavailable for purchase.

Based on Kayne’s (1994) analysis of relative clauses, this paper proposes a uniform account of the three types of relative clauses found in Brazilian Portuguese: the standard version (with pied-piping), the resumptive version with an overt pronoun, and the PP-chopping version, where the relativized PP appears to be deleted. We argue that a DP headed by a relative determiner can be base-generated in a left dislocation position in Brazilian Portuguese and this is what yields lack of island effects and apparent PP-chopping relatives. Based on their lexical conditioning, we propose that PP-chopping relatives in fact involve a null pronominal (<i>pro</i>) in the object position licensed by inherent Case.


This is a required field
Please enter a valid email address