Dutch 's-prolepsis as a copying phenomenon
This chapter investigates Dutch expressions involving two instances of the bound morpheme –<i>s</i>, which is traditionally analyzed as a genitival case suffix, as in <i>bloot-shoofds</i> (lit.: bare-s-head-s; ‘bare headed; with the head bare’) or '<i>s Zondags</i> (lit.: -s Sunday-s; ‘on Sundays’). The fi rst instance of –<i>s</i> in these expressions is traditionally qualified as being proleptic in that it anticipates the occurrence of the final –<i>s</i> that is right-attached to the noun. An analysis of –<i>s</i>-prolepsis is proposed in terms of the operations movement/copying. More specifically, it is argued that in expressions like <i>blootshoofds</i>, for instance, –<i>s</i> is not a genitival case suffix but rather a small clause head that establishes a predication relationship between a predicate and a subject (schematically: [<sub>XP</sub> hoofd [<sub>X'</sub> –<i>s</i> [<sub>AP</sub> bloot]]]. The surface order is derived by movement of the predicate to a position preceding the subject and concomitant head movement of the small clause head –<i>s</i> to the functional head into whose specifier position the displaced predicate has moved (schematically: [<sub>FP</sub> bloot<sub>j</sub> [<sub>F'</sub> –s<sub>i</sub> +F [<sub>XP</sub> hoofd [<sub>X'</sub> –s<sub>i</sub> <strikeout>bloot</strikeout><sub>j</sub>]]]]). The multiple realization of the two –<i>s</i> copies is accounted for in terms of Nunes's (1995, 2004) theory about the linearization of movement chains. Cases likes 's <i>Zondags</i> receive the same basic account, with the difference that –<i>s</i> is analyzed as a (weak) demonstrative pronoun (i.e. a reduced variant of the word <i>des</i>) rather than a small clause head. A parallel is then drawn with phenomena of demonstrative-doubling in prepositional structures in German dialects.