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Toegepaste Taalwetenschap in Artikelen

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ISSN 0169-7420
E-ISSN 2213-4883

TTwiA was the journal of the Dutch Association of Applied Linguistics (Association Néerlandaise de Linguistique Appliquée; Anéla). Between 1975 and 2011, a total of 86 issues were published, with&#160; Johan Matter (VU University Amsterdam), Lydius Nienhuis (Utrecht University), Guust Meijers (Tilburg University) and Bert Weltens (VU) as consecutive general editors. The goal of the journal was to promote Dutch work in applied linguistics, with a specialinterest in promoting young talents. Over the years, TTwiA gradually developed into a journal with international and professional ambitions, resulting in its continuation as <a title="DuJAL" href="/content/journals/22117253">Dutch Journal of Applied Linguistics (DuJAL)</a>, published by John Benjamins, in 2012 at the occasion of Anéla’s 40th annniversary.

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  • Lexicale Rijkdom, Tekstmoeilijkheid en Woordenschatgrootte
    • Author: Anne Vermeer
    • Source: Toegepaste Taalwetenschap in Artikelen, Volume 64, Issue 1, 2000, pages: 95 –105
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    • Most measures of lexical richness in spontaneous speech data, based on the distribution of, or the relation between the types and tokens, appear to be neither reliable nor valid. The article describes a semi-automatic computer program, MLR (Measure of Lexical Richness) that measures lexical richness on the basis of the degree of difficulty of the words used, as measured by their (levels of) frequency in daily language input. The MLR is meant for the analysis of texts of (students in) primary education, with a vocabulary size of up to about 25,000 different lemmas, and provides an answer to the following questions: 1) What is the difficulty of the various words in the text? 2) What is the relative proportion of the degrees of difficulty of words in the text? 3) What is the covering percentage of the text for a student with a certain vocabulary size? 4) What is the size of vocabulary of the student, on the basis of the spontaneous speech data?
  • Pre-Basic Varieties: The First Stages of Second Language Acquisition
    • Author: Clive Perdue
    • Source: Toegepaste Taalwetenschap in Artikelen, Volume 55, Issue 1, 1996, pages: 135 –149
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    • Three of the traditional questions in (second) language acquisition research are:1. What is acquired, in what order?2. How is it acquired?3. Why is it acquired?In this paper, I concentrate on (1) and (3), proposing a description of various learners' paths towards various L2s, and examining different factors which may explain the course of acquisition. The learners were, for the most part, recorded during the European Science Foundation's study of the spontaneous (untutored) acquisition of Dutch, French, English and German (Perdue 1993); other comparable studies will also be discussed. The emphasis is placed on the beginning stages of acquisition in an attempt to demonstrate that these stages are crucial for an understanding of the whole process. It will be argued (a) that there are stages (grammars) through which all learners pass, (b) that these stages can be characterised explicitly, but (c) the description of these stages, and of the transition between them, is not reducible to a single-level analysis, and (d) distance between (source and target) language pairs partially determines the amount of useful knowledge available to the absolute beginner.
  • Co-speech Gesture in Anomic Aphasia
    • Author: Antje Orgassa
    • Source: Toegepaste Taalwetenschap in Artikelen, Volume 73, Issue 1, 2005, pages: 85 –97
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    • The use of gestures during "normal" speech production is well investigated and understood. In contrast, little systematic research has been carried out to examine gesture behaviour during non-fluent aphasie speech production, which is characterized by considerable anomia and hesitations. However, by comparing gesture behaviour during fluent, hesitant, and anomie speech, gesture research in aphasia can provide insight into a more general question: the nature of the interaction between verbal and manual expression. Furthermore, such research can help to evaluate the usefulness of therapy methods that try to stimulate verbal communication through nonverbal action. In this study, gesture behaviour (type, quantity, synchrony, handedness and function) related to speech production was examined and a comparison made between a male aphasie and a healthy counterpart. The collected data were separated into three different levels of fluency and then categorized according to McNeill's system, with additional features specific to anomie gesture behaviour. A comparison of the behaviour of the two informants reveals that there is no significant difference in their gestures during fluent speech production, Clear similarities were also observed in the two modes during hesitant speech production. With respect to anomia, the results of this study suggest that gestures do not have a compensatory or facilitative function. Consequently, it is questionable whether word retrieval during anomia can be prompted by nonverbal stimulation.
  • The Role of Input and Scholastic Aptitude in Second Language Development
    • Authors: Marjolijn Verspoor, Kees de Bot, and Xiaoyan Xu
    • Source: Toegepaste Taalwetenschap in Artikelen, Volume 86, Issue 1, 2011, pages: 47 –60
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    • This semi-longitudinal/cross-sectional study explores the role of two possible variables in the L2 development of Dutch high school students: scholastic aptitude (operationalized as CITO score) and the amount of input, both in school (two hours a week versus 15 hours a week) and out of school. First grade participants were followed for two years and third grade students for one year. At the beginning of the study, all students filled in an extensive questionnaire on motivation, attitude, and out-of-school contact and took a proficiency tests consisting of a receptive vocabulary and a productive writing task. At each subsequent measure point, the language proficiency test was repeated. The results show that out-of-school contact with English made a significant contribution to their English proficiency, even with the presence of predictors of CITO score, grade (1 or 3) , instructional group (2 versus 15 hours) and interaction between grade and group. The analysis also revealed a significant effect of aptitude (operationalized as CITO score) on the learners' general English proficiency, revealing that students in both conditions with a higher CITO score have a higher English proficiency level as well. We conclude that in-school input helps: the learners who receive 15 hours a week of English input score significantly higher on the writing scores than the two other groups during and at the end of the third year, even when we take other factors such as initial proficiency level, scholastic aptitude and out-of-school contact into consideration. The data also shows that the CITO score is a strong predictor of language development, even within the narrow bandwidth of about 540-550. However, we need to be careful in interpreting what this means. Perhaps general aptitude only affects the rate of acquisition rather than the ability to become very proficient.
  • Straattaal: De mengtaal van jongeren in Amsterdam
    • Author: René Appel
    • Source: Toegepaste Taalwetenschap in Artikelen, Volume 62, Issue 1, 1999, pages: 39 –55
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    • 'Street language' is a kind of register, spoken by young people in Amsterdam and probably also by young people in other multi-ethnic, multilingual cities in the Netherlands. This paper reports on an explorative study of this relatively recently developed register. Street language seems to be comparable to other (monolingual) forms of youth language with respect to its function. The emergence of a mixed youth language has also been observed in other countries, for example in Sweden (Kotsinas, 1998) and Germany (Auer & Dirim, 1998). 133 students in three different schools for secondary education filled out a written questionnaire on street language. This instrument is not really appropriate for a typically spoken, informal variety, but it offered us the opportunity to collect data from a large group of respondents. The data were supplemented with information from a few informal interviews and with information from newspaper articles and television programmes on street language. 98 of the 133 students said that they used street language, boys rather more so than girls, a trend also observed in research on this subject in other countries. Especially children with Surinamese as their home language (in most cases next to Dutch) spoke street language. Students with a relatively low proficiency in Dutch (probably recently arrived) often reported that they did not speak street language. This was also the case with students who claimed to have a good proficiency in one of the following minority languages: Turkish, Moroccan-Arabic and Tamazight. Street language is (of course) most frequendy used in the streets, and also at school in informal interactions between students. Street language is used because it is funny, it is tough and because friends use it too. The respondents were also asked to give (no more than) eight examples of words or expressions in street language (with a translation in Dutch). They provided 468 words or expressions (tokens) in total. The total number of different forms (types) was 151. Most of the words and expressions came from Surinamese. Furthermore, there were words from English, and only a few words from other languages like Turkish and Moroccan-Arabic. Also some new (Dutch) words in the register of youth language were provided. Street language seems to contain quite a lot of more or less standard verbal routines. For outsiders the language sometimes seems to be (sexually) aggressive. Speakers of youth language claim that this aggressiveness is softened by the use of words and expressions from other languages.
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