1887
Linguistics in the Netherlands 2012
  • ISSN 0929-7332
  • E-ISSN: 1569-9919

Abstract

We propose to analyze right-dislocation constructions in terms of clausal coordination, coupled with ellipsis. While neither rightward movement nor base-generation of backgrounded and afterthought phrases is descriptively accurate, we show that the facts follow straightforwardly on an analysis that takes the dislocated phrase to be the surface remnant of a second clause that is underlyingly parallel to the host clause and reduced by ellipsis at PF. Right-dislocated XPs are thus theoretically assimilated to sluiced wh-phrases, fragment answers, and other sentential fragments. We furthermore suggest that the two clauses in right-dislocation are syntactically related by an abstract coordinating head, making right-dislocation an instance of specifying coordination.

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/content/journals/10.1075/avt.29.10ott
2012-01-01
2019-08-18
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References

http://instance.metastore.ingenta.com/content/journals/10.1075/avt.29.10ott
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  • Article Type: Research Article
Keyword(s): afterthoughts , backgrounding , coordination , ellipsis , movement , right-dislocation and specification
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