Abstract
Abstract
Constructions that are typically used to introduce a new referent into the discourse may extend this function so as to introduce a
new event or situation. In this paper, I examine the case of presentational ci-sentences in Italian, which have
developed exactly this new function out of existential sentences. Despite being superficially similar to existential sentences, as
well as to clefts, presentational ci-sentences must be kept separate from both sentence types, and must be
treated as an independent construction with distinct structural and functional properties. Unlike existentials, presentational
ci-sentences assert the existence of an event or situation and involve a predicational structure
characterized by a CP (the relative clause) that functions as the predicate of the DP. Unlike clefts, which are typically used to
mark narrow focus, presentational ci-sentences display a sentence-focus structure whereby the event is presented
as all new. A contrastive analysis of presentational ci-sentences against existentials and clefts will thus allow
us not only to understand the exact boundaries between these constructions, but also to identify more precisely the distinctive
characteristic properties of each sentence type.
© John Benjamins Publishing Company
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