Volume 47, Issue 1
  • ISSN 1810-7478
  • E-ISSN: 2589-5230
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This study investigates the non-negating negator in Taiwanese. With respect to its function, this study argues that it is neither an intensifier nor a rhetorical marker. Furthermore, contrary to prevalent intuition, the combination is not parallel to the ostensible cognate in Mandarin Chinese. Instead, the non-negating is an intersubjective speech-act adverbial affix attaching to the head of FocP (realized as or ) that takes scope over whatever follows. Typologically, this study uncovers another use of non-negating negation in natural languages, and consequently challenges the enterprise pursuing a unified analysis for the phenomena of the so-called expletive negation.


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