Abstract
Abstract
This study investigates the non-negating negator m̄ in Taiwanese. With respect to its function, this
study argues that it is neither an intensifier nor a rhetorical marker. Furthermore, contrary to prevalent intuition, the combination
m̄-tō is not parallel to the ostensible cognate bújiù in Mandarin Chinese. Instead, the non-negating
m̄ is an intersubjective speech-act adverbial affix attaching to the head of FocP (realized as tō or
tsiah) that takes scope over whatever follows. Typologically, this study uncovers another use of non-negating negation in
natural languages, and consequently challenges the enterprise pursuing a unified analysis for the phenomena of the so-called expletive
negation.
© Department of English, National Taiwan Normal University
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