Volume 3, Issue 1
  • ISSN 2213-8706
  • E-ISSN: 2213-8714
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This paper examines the derivation of two types of A′-dependencies — relative clauses and Left-Dislocation structures — in the framework of Minimalist Program based on Mandarin data. Relatives and LD structures demonstrate many distinct syntactic and semantic properties when they contain a gap and a resumptive pronoun respectively. A thorough study of the relevant data reveals that when a gap strategy is adopted, island effects and crossover effects are always observed, irrespective of whether the relevant gap is embedded within a relative clause or within an LD structure; on the contrary, when the resumptive strategy is adopted, a sharp distinction is observed between these two structures. A resumptive relative clause gives rise to island effects and crossover effects systematically; by contrast, a resumptive LD structure never gives rise to these effects. In the Minimalist Program, island effects and crossover effects are not exclusively used as diagnostic tests for movement since the operation is also subject to locality constraints. I will argue that a relative clause containing either a gap or an RP and an LD structure with gap are derived by and they are subject to the locality condition whereas a resumptive LD structure is derived by that is an island free operation and it is not subject to the locality constraint. Multiple and multiple Spell-Out are possible in an chain, but not in a chain. The choice of the derivational mechanism depends on the interpretability of the formal features attached to the Probe and to the Goal in the relevant A′-dependencies.


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  • Article Type: Research Article
Keyword(s): Agree; Chinese; gap; left-dislocation; Match; relative clause; Resumptive pronoun
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