1887
Volume 16, Issue 2
  • ISSN 1566-5852
  • E-ISSN: 1569-9854
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Abstract

Regrethas traditionally been regarded as a “true factive” predicate that always presupposes the truth of its complement and cannot occur in parenthetical clauses (Hooper 1975). In the light of earlier observations that I regret and I regret to say have acquired non-factive uses (Heyvaert and Cuyckens 2010), this paper presents a synchronic analysis of the discourse contexts in which I regret and I regret to say occur as parenthetical clauses, and co-occur not with factive complements, but with reported utterances. From a diachronic point of view, the article describes how regret-clauses came to function as illocution modifiers to a reported utterance after the emergence of various types of to-infinitival complements following the predicate. The article deviates from the traditional view that factive complements are limited to presupposed true complements as expressed in gerunds or that-clauses. Instead, it broadens the concept of factivity to include presupposed non-epistemic complements and complements realized as to-infinitives.
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/content/journals/10.1075/jhp.16.2.03gen
2015-01-01
2019-10-22
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References

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