Volume 3, Issue 4
  • ISSN 1879-9264
  • E-ISSN: 1879-9272
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Availability of wh-topicalization in Chinese raises a question as to whether a wh-topic in L2 Chinese is derived by feature-driven movement and, if it is, whether such movement is subject to syntactic constraints. The current study tests the sensitivity of very advanced Russian speakers’ L2 Chinese wh-topicalization to a complex NP island and reconstruction, which are taken as a diagnostic of movement. The results of an acceptability judgement test and a multiple choice interpretation test show that L2 Chinese grammars are constrained by a complex NP island and reconstruction, which provides empirical evidence that L2 Chinese wh-topicalization involves movement driven by an uninterpretable [+Top] feature.


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  • Article Type: Research Article
Keyword(s): complex NP island; movement; reconstruction; uninterpretable feature; wh-topic
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