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image of Exhaustifying conditionals

Abstract

Abstract

A Mandarin conditional sentence with the form [p, q], where is a preverbal particle, can (but not always) convey the minimal sufficiency interpretation that nothing more — other than p — needs to be true in order for q to be true. Moreover, the exclusive focus expression can be inserted in p without changing the minimal sufficiency interpretation. This paper proposes an exhaustification-based semantic account, according to which: (i) is a special exhaustivity operator over a conditional structure, giving rise to what I call the component; (ii) the component is subject to another layer of exhaustification by a covert exhaustivity operator O, giving rise to the minimal sufficiency reading; and (iii) is an agreement marker inside the antecedent clause which signals the existence of O at the root level. Previous accounts of conditional are also reviewed and discussed.

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2026-01-15
2026-02-17
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  • Article Type: Research Article
Keywords: (recursive) exhaustification ; minimal sufficiency ; only ; Mandarin jiu ; conditionals
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