1887
Volume 40, Issue 1
  • ISSN 0378-4169
  • E-ISSN: 1569-9927
USD
Buy:$35.00 + Taxes

Abstract

This article explores the question of why Medieval French does not use -constructions as exhaustively as other Medieval Romance varieties and why the indefinite pronoun is clearly the preferred choice. It is claimed that exhibits affix-like behavior in passive constructions and that it is very likely to be a morphological exponent of absorbing the [+Def] feature on T in IACs. These assumptions are connected to the possibility within a language system to store affixes as independent lexical entries, following Speas, 1995 . It will be shown that Medieval French seems to be a language system in flux in which signs of NSL > non-NSL were present over a longer period of time. The uncertain status of affixes within these radical changes would have prompted learners to go for a multifunctional solution that is readily available and unequivocally identifiable: .

Loading

Article metrics loading...

/content/journals/10.1075/li.40.1.04wol
2017-12-08
2019-12-09
Loading full text...

Full text loading...

References

  1. BFM (Base de français médiéval)
    BFM (Base de français médiéval): txm.bfm-corpus.org/ (08/12/2016).
  2. REAL ACADEMIA ESPAÑOLA
    REAL ACADEMIA ESPAÑOLA: Banco de datos (CORDE) [en línea]. Corpus diacrónico del español. www.rae.es (01/10/2016).
    [Google Scholar]
  3. Adams, M.
    (1987) From Old French to the theory of pro-drop. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 5(1), 1–32. doi: 10.1007/BF00161866
    https://doi.org/10.1007/BF00161866 [Google Scholar]
  4. Balon, L. & Larrivée, P.
    (2016) L’ancien français n’est déjà plus une langue à sujet nul – nouveau témoignage des textes légaux. Journal of French Languages Studies, 26, 221–237. doi: 10.1017/S0959269514000222
    https://doi.org/10.1017/S0959269514000222 [Google Scholar]
  5. Bamba, K.
    (2015) D feature and impersonal SE: A new perspective on Romance impersonal constructions. cla-acl.ca/wp-content/uploads/Bamba.pdf (05/01/17)
  6. Barbosa, P.
    (2011)  Pro-drop and theories of pro in the Minimalist Program. Part 1: Consistent null-subject languages and the Pronominal-Agr Hypothesis. Language and Linguistic Compass, 5(8), 551–570. doi: 10.1111/j.1749‑818X.2011.00293.x
    https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-818X.2011.00293.x [Google Scholar]
  7. Bartra Kaufmann, A.
    (2002) La passiva i les construccions que s’hi relacionen. In J. Solà et al. (Eds.), Gramàtica del català contemporani (vol.II, 2115–2179). Barcelona: Empúries.
    [Google Scholar]
  8. Bassols de Climent, M.
    (s.a.). Sintaxis histórica de la lengua latina. Madrid: C.S.I.C.
    [Google Scholar]
  9. Batllori, M.
    (2015) Análisis comparativo de las construcciones de dislocación a la derecha y su incidencia en el orden de palabras del español, catalán y portugués medievales. In M. López Izquierda & M. Catillo Lluch (Eds.), El Orden de palabras en la historia del español y otras lenguas iberorromances (pp.83–110). Madrid: Visor Libros.
    [Google Scholar]
  10. Brown, C. B.
    (1931) The disappearance of the indefinite Hombre from Spanish. Language, 7(4), 265–277. doi: 10.2307/409230
    https://doi.org/10.2307/409230 [Google Scholar]
  11. Carlier, A. & Combettes, B.
    (2015) Typologie et catégorisation morphosyntaxique: Du latin au français moderne. Langue française187(3), 15–58. doi: 10.3917/lf.187.0015
    https://doi.org/10.3917/lf.187.0015 [Google Scholar]
  12. Cennamo, M.
    (1998) The loss of the voice dimension between Late Latin and Early Romance. In M. S. Schmid / J. R. Austin & D. Stein (Eds.), Historical Linguistics 1997. Selected papers from the 13th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Düsseldorf, 10–17 August 1997 (pp.77–100). Amsterdam: Benjamins. doi: 10.1075/cilt.164.06cen
    https://doi.org/10.1075/cilt.164.06cen [Google Scholar]
  13. (1999) Late Latin pleonastic reflexives and the Unaccusative Hypothesis. Transactions of the Philological Society, 97(1), 103–150. doi: 10.1111/1467‑968X.00046
    https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-968X.00046 [Google Scholar]
  14. (2016) Voice. In A. Ledgeway & M. Maiden (Eds.), The Oxford guide to the Romance Languages (pp.967–980). Oxford: Oxford University Press. doi: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199677108.003.0060
    https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199677108.003.0060 [Google Scholar]
  15. Cinque, G.
    (1988) On si constructions and the theory of arb. Linguistic Inquiry, 19(4), 521–581.
    [Google Scholar]
  16. Cornilescu, A. & Nicolae, A.
    (2015) The grammaticalization of a constraint on passive reflexive constructions in Romanian. In G. Pană Dindelegan et al. (Eds.), Diachronic variation in Romanian (pp.309–362). Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars.
    [Google Scholar]
  17. Dobrovie-Sorin, C.
    (1998) Impersonal se constructions in Romance and the passivization of unergatives. Linguistic Inquiry, 29(3), 399–437. doi: 10.1162/002438998553806
    https://doi.org/10.1162/002438998553806 [Google Scholar]
  18. Gamillscheg, E.
    (1957) Historische französische Syntax. Tübingen: Niemeyer.
    [Google Scholar]
  19. Gerlach, B.
    (2002) Clitics between syntax and lexicon. Amsterdam: Benjamins. doi: 10.1075/la.51
    https://doi.org/10.1075/la.51 [Google Scholar]
  20. Giacalone Ramat, A. & Sansò, A.
    (2007) The indefinite usage of uomo (‘man’) in early Italo-Romance. Grammaticalization and areality. https://www.academia.edu/1033376/The_indefinite_usage_of_uomo_man_in_early_ItaloRomance._Grammaticalization_and_areality (06/12/16).
    [Google Scholar]
  21. (2010) L’emploi indéfini de homo en latin tardif: aux origines d’un “européanisme”. https://www.academia.edu/1033354/L_emploi_ind%C3%A9fini_de_homo_en_latin_tardif_Aux_origines_d_un_europ%C3%A9anisme_ (06/12/16).
  22. (2011) From passive to impersonal: A case study from Italian and its implications. In A. Malchukov & A. Siewierka (Eds.), Impersonal constructions. A cross-linguistic perspective (pp.189–228). Amsterdam: Benjamins. doi: 10.1075/slcs.124.07ram
    https://doi.org/10.1075/slcs.124.07ram [Google Scholar]
  23. Haspelmath, M.
    (2002) Understanding morphology. London: Arnold.
    [Google Scholar]
  24. Herslund, M.
    (2001) L’action fondamentale et les verbes symétriques et réfléchis. In L. Schøsler (Ed.), La valence, perspectives romanes et diachroniques (pp.34–42). Stuttgart: Steiner.
    [Google Scholar]
  25. Hopper, P. J. & Traugott, E. C.
    (1993) Grammaticalization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
    [Google Scholar]
  26. Jensen, F.
    (1990) Old French and comparative Gallo-Romance syntax. Tübingen: Niemeyer. doi: 10.1515/9783110938166
    https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110938166 [Google Scholar]
  27. Kaiser, G. A.
    (2002) Verbstellung und Verbstellungswandel in den romanischen Sprachen. Tübingen: Niemeyer. doi: 10.1515/9783110911640
    https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110911640 [Google Scholar]
  28. Kemmer, S.
    (1993) The Middle Voice. Amsterdam: Benjamins. doi: 10.1075/tsl.23
    https://doi.org/10.1075/tsl.23 [Google Scholar]
  29. Kempchinsky, P.
  30. Labelle, M.
    (2007) Clausal architecture in Early Old French. Lingua, 117(1), 289–316. doi: 10.1016/j.lingua.2006.01.004
    https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2006.01.004 [Google Scholar]
  31. Marchello-Nizia, C.
    (2009) Word order from Latin to French. A case of grammaticalization (from pragmatics to syntactics) or of typological coherence. In C. Rossari et al. (Eds.), Grammaticalization and Pragmatics. Facts, Approaches and Theoretical Issues (pp.1–18). Bingley: Emerald. doi: 10.1163/9789004253193_003
    https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004253193_003 [Google Scholar]
  32. Martins, A. M.
    (2005) Passive and impersonal se in the history of Portuguese. In C. D. Pusch , J. Kabatek & W. Raible (Eds.), Romanische Korpuslinguistik. Korpora und diachrone Sprachwissenschaft (pp.411–429). Tübingen: Narr.
    [Google Scholar]
  33. Mendikoetxea, A.
    (1990) On the syntax of constructions with arb se in Spanish. Anuario del seminario de filología vasca, 24(1), 307–328.
    [Google Scholar]
  34. Moignet, G.
    (1973) Grammaire de l’ancien français. Paris: Klincksieck.
    [Google Scholar]
  35. Monge, F.
    (1955) Las frases pronominales con sentido impersonal en español. ifc.dpz.es/recursos/publicaciones/01/64/1monge.pdf (03/10/2015).
  36. Mutz, K.
    (2012) SE-verbs, SE-forms, or SE-constructions? SE and its transitional stages between morphology and syntax. In S. Gaglia & M. -O. Hinzelin (Eds.), Inflection and word formation in Romance languages (pp.319–346). Amsterdam: Benjamins. doi: 10.1075/la.186.12mut
    https://doi.org/10.1075/la.186.12mut [Google Scholar]
  37. Nicolae, A.
    (2013) A note on the syntax of Romanian aspectual verbs: Aspectuals and voice. https://www.academia.edu/11657822/A_note_on_the_syntax_of_Romanian_aspectual_verbs_aspectuals_and_voice (01/04/2017).
  38. Otero, C. P.
    (1986) Arbitrary subjects in finite clauses. In I. Bordelois , H. Contreras & K. Zagona (Eds.), Generative studies in Spanish syntax (pp.81–110). Dordrecht: Foris.
    [Google Scholar]
  39. Poletto, C.
    (2014) Word order in Old Italian. Oxford: Oxford University Press. doi: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199660247.001.0001
    https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199660247.001.0001 [Google Scholar]
  40. Prévost, S.
    (2011) Expression et position du sujet pronominal du 12ème au 14ème siècle: une approche quantitative (recherche inédite). https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00667183/document (10/05/2017).
  41. Reichenkron, G.
    (1933) Passivum, Medium und Reflexivum in den romanischen Sprachen. Jena.: Gronau.
    [Google Scholar]
  42. Rinke, E. & Meisel, J. M.
    (2009) Subject-inversion in Old French: Syntax and information structure. In G. A. Kaiser & E. -M. Remberger (Eds.), Proceedings of the workshop “Null Subjects, Expletives, and Locatives in Romance” (pp.93–130). Konstanz: Fachbereich Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Konstanz, Arbeitspapier 123.
    [Google Scholar]
  43. Roberts, I. G.
    (1993) Verbs and diachronic syntax. A comparative history of English and French. Dordrecht: Kluwer.
    [Google Scholar]
  44. Roberts, I. & Roussou, A.
    (2003) Syntactic change. A minimalist approach to grammaticalization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi: 10.1017/CBO9780511486326
    https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511486326 [Google Scholar]
  45. Roberts, I.
    (2010) Agreement and head movement. Clitic, incorporation, and defective goals. Cambridge: MIT Press. doi: 10.7551/mitpress/9780262014304.001.0001
    https://doi.org/10.7551/mitpress/9780262014304.001.0001 [Google Scholar]
  46. Rohrbacher, B.
    (1993) The Germanic VO languages and the full paradigm. A theory of V to I raising. Doctoral dissertation, Amherst: University of Massachusetts.
    [Google Scholar]
  47. Sansò, A.
    (2011) Grammaticalization paths and prototype effects. A history of the agentive reflexive. Folia Linguistica Historica, 32, 1–34.
    [Google Scholar]
  48. Sitaridou, I.
    (2005) A corpus-based study of null-subjects in Old French and Old Occitan. In C. D. Pusch , J. Kabatek & W. Raible (Eds.), Romanische Korpuslinguistik. Korpora und diachrone Sprachwissenschaft (pp.359–374). Tübingen: Narr.
    [Google Scholar]
  49. Speas, M.
    (1995) Economy, agreement and the representation of null arguments. people.umass.edu/pspeas/prodrop.pdf (15/03/2016).
  50. Stéfanini, J.
    (1962) La voix pronominale en ancien et en moyen français. Aix-en-Provence: Éditions Ophrys.
    [Google Scholar]
  51. Torrego, E.
    (2008) Revisiting Romance SE. www.ehu.eus/ojs/index.php/ASJU/article/view/9849/9277 (15/04/2016).
  52. Vance, B. S.
    (1997) Syntactic change in Medieval French. Verb-second and null subjects. Dordrecht: Kluwer. doi: 10.1007/978‑94‑015‑8843‑0
    https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-8843-0 [Google Scholar]
  53. Wehrli, E.
    (1986) On some properties of French clitic se . In: H. Borer (Ed.), The syntax of pronominal clitics (pp.263–283). Orlando/London: Academic Press.
    [Google Scholar]
  54. Wolfsgruber, A. C.
    (2017): Medieval Romance se. Its grammaticalization and syntactic status. New data from Medieval Spanish, French, Catalan and Occitan. Doctoral dissertation. Salzburg: University of Salzburg.
    [Google Scholar]
  55. Zaring, L.
    (2011) On the nature of OV and VO order in Old French. Lingua, 121, 1831–1852. doi: 10.1016/j.lingua.2011.07.008
    https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2011.07.008 [Google Scholar]
  56. Zribi-Hertz, A.
    (2008) Le médiopassif à accord riche en français: pour une approche multifactorielle. In J. Durand , B. Habert & B. Laks (Eds.), Congrès mondial de linguistique française (pp.2645–2662). www.linguistiquefrancaise.org/articles/cmlf/pdf/2008/01/cmlf08083.pdf (05/12/16).
    [Google Scholar]
http://instance.metastore.ingenta.com/content/journals/10.1075/li.40.1.04wol
Loading
/content/journals/10.1075/li.40.1.04wol
Loading

Data & Media loading...

  • Article Type: Research Article
Keyword(s): Medieval French , Medieval Spanish , on , pro-drop , se , syntax and valency
This is a required field
Please enter a valid email address
Approval was successful
Invalid data
An Error Occurred
Approval was partially successful, following selected items could not be processed due to error