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Volume 18, Issue 2
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Abstract

Abstract

Our Aromanian data come from Diviakë, Libofshë and Fier, three locations close to one another in southern Albania, and from Këllez, also in southern Albania. We argue that the impossibility of embedding sentences directly under V-v (Agree Resistance Theorem) leads to the overall shape of complementation in Romance. Section 2, on finite complementizers, shows that Aromanian supports analyses of complementizers as wh- pronouns independently developed for other Romance languages. Section 3 elaborates a proposal originally put forth for Albanian, where the subjunctive particle is identical to the Linker – namely that the main role of subjunctive particles is introducing a variable EPP argument, subject to control. Section 4 argues that Prepositional introducers of non-finite sentences amount to an obliquization strategy to circumvent Agree Resistance – as does the nominalization (relativization) strategy of Section 2 (and the predication strategy in Section 3).

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2019-02-01
2024-10-04

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  • Article Type: Research Article
Keyword(s): complementizer; control; oblique case; prepositional complementizer; subjunctive particle; wh-pronoun

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