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Abstract

Abstract

This article addresses a peculiar partitive construction in Icelandic – peculiar, in that it involves (case, number, gender) agreement between a quantificational element and the inner nominal, rather than dependency marking (by case or preposition) on the inner nominal. It is shown that this construction shares properties of both canonical partitives (definiteness marking) and pseudo-partitives (monophrasality), but actually qualifies as neither; it assumes an intermediate position. Based on this insight, we develop the idea that partitive constructions may be not simply a collection of “structures that fall under the umbrella term of “partitives”” (Falco and Zamparelli 2019: 1), but rather constitute a scale of partitivity. It is likewise conceded, however, that a proper map of partitivity may be more complex than a simple one dimensional hierarchy.

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2024-05-27
2024-06-19
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