1887
Volume 47, Issue 2
  • ISSN 0035-3906
  • E-ISSN: 1600-0811
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Abstract

It is generally held that Latin word-final, post-tonic -ē yielded *-e in Proto-Romance, even if secure attestations are lacking.However, here it is suggested that a number of forms thought to instantiate analogical replacement of expected *-e with -i are in fact phonologically regular, thus revealing that the real outcome of Lat. -ē was PR *-i.2 The relevant forms are: a small handful of adverbs: It. oggi ‘today’ < hodiē, Rm. azi ‘today’ < hac diē, It./As. tardi ‘late’ < tardē, It. lungi/As. lloñi ‘far’ < longē; the 2sg. imperative of Italian, Old Portuguese and Asturian e-verbs (It. bevi/OPt. bive (with metaphony)/As. bebi ‘drink!’) as well as the Romanian 2sg. imperatives in -i (Rm. vezi ‘see!’ cazi ‘fall!’, etc.). This hypothesis renders superfluous a number of poorly understood analogies needed to explain these forms and sheds new light on the enigmatic Romanian imperative in -i and its hitherto unexplained association with transitivity.
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/content/journals/10.1075/rro.47.2.06whi
2012-01-01
2019-10-18
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References

http://instance.metastore.ingenta.com/content/journals/10.1075/rro.47.2.06whi
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  • Article Type: Research Article
Keyword(s): historical morphology , historical phonology , Ibero-Romance , imperative , Italian and Romanian
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