1887
Volume 2, Issue 3
  • ISSN 2799-6190
  • E-ISSN: 2799-8592

Abstract

Despite independent Kazakhstan’s close ties to Russia based on geographic proximity, economic interdependence, formal treaties of mutual cooperation, and a shared linguistic and historic heritage, the viability of these ties is being tested by events of the past year and in particular, by the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Due to the widespread proficiency in the Russian language in all three countries, through internet access and social media, the people of Kazakhstan are able to access not only the Russian perspective of the war, but also that of the Ukrainian people. Internationally, Kazakhstan’s leaders are attempting to maintain a delicate balance vis-à-vis Russia, ensuring on the one hand that their alliance based on mutual interests and a common history is not endangered, yet needing on the other hand to appear credible and responsible in the eyes of European and Western powers in view of their long-term strategic plans for Kazakhstan’s development as a major player in Eurasian affairs. The analysis by Maerz (2019) posits that autocratic regimes such as those in Russia and Central Asia tend to use democratic terms in a way which only simulates pluralism by camouflaging their actual intent. All parties to international negotiations, including interpreters, need to be aware of these linguistic practices to properly understand and convey the actual message. The delicacy of this balancing act highlights the need for translators and interpreters employed at international negotiations and encounters to be aware of the historical precedents as well as the current ideologies and contemporary status of relations between the parties involved. Translations cannot be rendered solely according to linguistic equivalents, as identical terms can transmit divergent meanings when seen through the lens of a different heritage or ideology. The stakes at such international encounters are extraordinarily high: nothing less than stability, prosperity, and world peace. Th s argues for the importance of offering professional development opportunities for translators and interpreters to maintain their awareness of the nuanced issues in play. There is a need to acknowledge the crucial role and need of these professional communicators to constantly maintain their knowledge of the social and political context.

Available under the CC BY-NC 4.0 license.
Loading

Article metrics loading...

/content/journals/10.54754/incontext.v2i3.31
2022-11-29
2026-04-21
Loading full text...

Full text loading...

References

  1. Ahn, Elise S. and Juldyz Smagulova
    (2016) Language Change in Central Asia. De Gruyter Mouton.
    [Google Scholar]
  2. Aksholakova, Assem and Nurgul Ismailova
    (2013) The language policy of Kazakhstan and the state language in government service. Procedia-Social and Behavioral Sciences, 931, 1580–1586.
    [Google Scholar]
  3. Bahry, Stephen, Sarfaroz Niyozov, Duishon Alievich Shamatov, Elise S. Ahn and Juldyz Smagulova
    (2017) Bilingual education in Central Asia. InOfelia García, Angel Lin & Stephen May (Eds.), Encyclopedia of Language and Education: Bilingual and Multilingual Education (3rd ed., pp.259–280). Springer. 10.1007/978‑3‑319‑02324‑3_20‑1
    https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-02324-3_20-1 [Google Scholar]
  4. Baskakov, Aleksandr N. and Bakhytzhan X. Xasanov
    (1996) Languages of interethnic communication in Kazakhstan. InStephen A. Wurm, Peter Mülhäusler & Darrell T. Tryon (Eds.), Atlas of Languages of Intercultural Communication in the Pacific, Asia, and the Americas (Vol.21, pp.933–936). De Gruyter Mouton.
    [Google Scholar]
  5. Cummings, Sally N.
    (2012) Understanding Central Asia: Politics and Contested Transformations. Routledge.
    [Google Scholar]
  6. Cushion, Stephen
    (2022, March11). Russia: The west underestimates the power of state media. The Conversation. https://theconversation.com/russia-the-west-underestimates-the-power-of-state-media-178582
    [Google Scholar]
  7. Dave, Bhavna
    (2018) A shrinking reach of the state? Language policy and implementation in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. InPauline Jones Luong (Ed.), The Transformation of Central Asia (pp.120–156). Cornell University Press.
    [Google Scholar]
  8. Fierman, William
    (1998) Language and identity in Kazakhstan: Formulations in policy documents 1987–1997. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 31(2), 171–186.
    [Google Scholar]
  9. Friess, Nina [Google Scholar]
  10. Hudson, Victoria
    (2022) The impact of Russian soft power in Kazakhstan: creating an enabling environment for cooperation between Nur-Sultan and Moscow. Journal of Political Power, 15(3), 469–494.
    [Google Scholar]
  11. Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group
    Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group (2021, May28). “Russkiy Mir” as the Kremlin’s Quasi-ideology. Ukraine Crisis Media Center. https://uacrisis.org/en/russkiy-mir-as-the-kremlin-s-quasi-ideology
    [Google Scholar]
  12. Kudors, Andis
    (2014, April25). The “Russian world” as a vacuum-cleaner. Centre for East European Policy Studies. https://appc.lv/eng/andis-kudors-the-russian-world-as-a-vacuum-cleaner/
    [Google Scholar]
  13. (2010) “Russian World” — Russia’s soft power approach to compatriots policy. Russian Analytical Diguest, 81(10), 2–4. 10.3929/ethz‑a‑006249299
    https://doi.org/10.3929/ethz-a-006249299 [Google Scholar]
  14. Landau, Jacob M. and Barbara Kellner-Heinkele
    (2011) Language politics in contemporary Central Asia: National and ethnic identity and the Soviet legacy. Bloomsbury Publishing.
    [Google Scholar]
  15. Law of the Republic of Kazakhstan concerning languages in the Republic of Kazakhstan, § 151-1
    Law of the Republic of Kazakhstan concerning languages in the Republic of Kazakhstan, § 151-1 (1997) https://www.ilo.org/dyn/natlex/docs/KAZ83878
  16. Liechtenhan, Francine-Dominique
    (2022) Le crépuscule de la liberté [The twilight of freedom]. Historia, 906(June), 42–46. https://www.historia.fr/le-cr%C3%A9puscule-de-la-libert%C3%A9
    [Google Scholar]
  17. Maerz, Seraphine F.
    (2019) Simulating pluralism: The language of democracy in hegemonic authoritarianism. Political Research Exchange, 1(1), 1–23.
    [Google Scholar]
  18. Makarychev, Andrei
    (2022) Russia’s war in Ukraine: A clash of two philosophies of power. RetrievedNovember 30, 2022fromhttps://carnegieeurope.eu/strategiceurope/86666
    [Google Scholar]
  19. Michaels, Paula
    (2003) Curative powers: medicine and empire in Stalin’s Central Asia. University of Pittsburgh Pre.
    [Google Scholar]
  20. Muhamedowa, Raihan
    (2009) The use of Russian conjunctions in the speech of bilingual Kazakhs. International journal of bilingualism, 13(3), 331–356.
    [Google Scholar]
  21. O’Callaghan, Luke
    (2004) War of Words: Language Policy in Post Independence Kazakhstan. Joan A. Argenter e R. McKenna Brown, On The Margins Of Nations: Endangered Languages And Linguistic Rights, Proceedings Of TheEighth FEL Conference, Barcelona.
    [Google Scholar]
  22. Pavlenko, Aneta
    (2013) Language management in the Russian empire, Soviet Union, and post-Soviet countries. InRobert Bailey, Richard Cameron & Ceil Lucas (Eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Sociolinguistics (pp.651–679). Oxford University Press. 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199744084.013.0032
    https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199744084.013.0032 [Google Scholar]
  23. (2008) Multilingualism in post-Soviet countries: Language revival, language removal, and sociolinguistic theory. International journal of bilingual education and bilingualism, 11(3–4), 275–314.
    [Google Scholar]
  24. Perrigo, Billy
    (2022, March23). Why YouTube has survived Russia’s social media crackdown — So far Time. https://time.com/615927/youtube-russia-ukraine-disinformation
  25. Pincas, Éric
    (2022) L’Ukraine et l’esprit cosaque [Ukraine and the Cossack spirit]. Historia, 906(June), 3. https://www.historia.fr/lukraine-etlesprit-cosaque
    [Google Scholar]
  26. Sabitova, Zinaida and Akbota Alishariyeva
    (2015) The Russian language in Kazakhstan: status and functions. Russian Journal of Communication, 7(2), 213–217.
    [Google Scholar]
  27. Sarmant, Thierry
    (2022) Ils ont fondé l’Ukraine : Cosaques, les guerriers de la liberté [They founded Ukraine: Cossacks, the freedom warriors]. Historia, 906(June), 22–23.
    [Google Scholar]
  28. Satubaldina, Assel
    (2021, February1). Kazakhstan Presents New Latin Alphabet, Plans Gradual Transition Through 2031. The Astana Times. https://astanatimes.com/2021/02/kazakhstan-presents-new-latin-alphabet-plans-gradual-transition-through-2031/
    [Google Scholar]
  29. Schwirtz, Michael, Maria Varenikova and Rick Gladstone
    (2022, February21). Putin calls Ukrainian statehood a fiction. History suggests otherwise. New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2022/02/21/world/europe/putin-ukraine.html
    [Google Scholar]
  30. Smagulova, Juldyz
    (2016) The re-acquisition of Kazakh in Kazakhstan: Achievements and challenges. Language change in central asia, 1061, 89.
    [Google Scholar]
  31. Stroińska, Magda
    (2002) Language and totalitarian regimes. Economic Affairs, 22(2), 23–29.
    [Google Scholar]
  32. Tatarenko, Laurent
    (2022a) La « cosaque attitude » [The “Cossack attitude”]. Historia, 906(June), 24–25. https://www.historia.fr/la-%C2%AB-cosaque-attitude-%C2%BB
    [Google Scholar]
  33. (2022b) Sujets, mais pas soumis [Subjects, but not submitted]. Historia, 906(June), 28–32. https://www.historia.fr/sujets-mais-pas-soumis
    [Google Scholar]
  34. Zhanabayeva, Svetlana, Meirimkul Tuleup and Aktoty Suranshiyeva
    (2014) Language policy in modern Kazakhstan. The Asian Conference on Language Learning, Osaka, Japan.
    [Google Scholar]
/content/journals/10.54754/incontext.v2i3.31
Loading
This is a required field
Please enter a valid email address
Approval was successful
Invalid data
An Error Occurred
Approval was partially successful, following selected items could not be processed due to error