Belgian Journal of Linguistics - Volume 9, Issue 1, 1994

Abstract. The gestural model of Articulatory Phonology currently being developed by Browman and Goldstein provides a new way of modelling both synchronic and diachronic phonetic processes as well as certain types of synchronic phonological rules. Although Browman and Goldstein place stringent restrictions on the model, ruling out categorical deletion and insertion of gestures, as well as gestural permutation not resulting from magnitude and timing changes, Articulatory Phonology can nonetheless provide enlightening accounts of various types of sound change, including historical developments which have previously been analysed as segmental insertions and deletions. The application of Articulatory Phonology to sound changes is beneficial in that it allows the formulation of a change to include some account of its motivation from the point of view of the speaker (or indeed, though less straightforwardly, the hearer). We aim to extend Browman and Goldstein's preliminary applications of their model to sound change, by demonstrating that changes which have been analysed as entirely separate developments in a traditional segmental phonology can be seen instead as part of an integrated complex of interrelated changes within Articulatory Phonology. Focussing on the development of non-rhotic varieties of English, we show that the sound changes producing present-day linking [r], which are typically given as three independent developments of Pre-[r] Breaking, Pre-Schwa Laxing, and /r/-Deletion, can be shown to be interdependent and analysed in an explanatory way using the gestural model. However, we argue that not all the synchronic phonological processes to which such sound changes give rise can be analysed in gestural terms, given the current restrictions on Articulatory Phonology. For instance, in present-day English varieties which exhibit intrusive as well as linking [r], and which seem to be best characterised by an [r]-Insertion analysis, synchronic addition of gestures must be permitted. Insertion processes of this sort may initially seem incompatible with Articulatory Phonology, but there is clear motivation to retain the gestural framework, given its ability to model many sound changes, casual speech processes and phonological rules using the same mechanisms. Consequently, we propose that, to account for English [r] and similar cases, the current constraints on Articulatory Phonology must be relaxed to a limited extent at some level of the grammar. We suggest that this might be achieved by integrating the gestural approach into a model of Lexical Phonology.

Abstract. Synchronic and diachronic sound change may involve (1) the phonologization of an effect of phonetic implementation, or (2) the lexicalization of phonetic or phonogical processes. This paper seeks to determine the phonologization and lexicalization of phonetic and phonological effects on the basis of their behaviour across different speaking rates. To illustrate the phonologization of phonetic effects, cross-linguistic data on aspiration and vowel nasalization across different speech rates are presented. The data show that phonological effects adjust to variations in speech rate, so as to keep a constant perceptual distance across rates, whereas phonetic effects, which originate at a lower level, remain constant across rates or present rate-correlated changes which can be accounted for by the general principles of speech motor control. Speech rate might also allow us to distinguish between phonetic effects which do not involve a change in the underlying representation, and effects which have been lexicalized. Connected speech processes, such as assimilation, are known to depend on factors such as speaking rate and speaking style. Consequently, low level assimilatory processes are expected to show continuous variation with changes in rate, as a result of increased gestural overlap. On the contrary, if assimilatory processes have been lexicalized as a distinct lexical representation or as an alternative style-dependent form, then the lexicalized form will exhibit a rate-invariant pattern. A variety of experimental data which provide support for this new way of analyzing sound change is presented. It is argued that part of the synchronic variation in present-day speakers is due to sound change, i.e. a discrete, categorical change in the speaker's grammar.

Abstract. A basic assumption of phonological reconstruction is that plausible processes of change connect reconstructed sounds with the reflexes on which they are based. It is not clear, however, how this plausibility is assessed. The decisions seem to be made on the basis of intuitive feelings about how languages change, from observations of language change and general phonetics. Problems arise when two competing explanations for a reconstructed sound change are offered: each may be as plausible as the other, and yet there must, in theory, be one explanation which is nearer the "truth". A more systematic analysis of the phonetics of sounds and their diachronic behaviour is needed if we are to offer the most phonetically plausible explanations. The development of the PIE voiced aspirates in Italic is a typical case of a reconstructed sound change whose mechanics are obscure and much debated. The development is evaluated here using two complementary approaches: an examination of the phonetic characteristics of voiced aspirates (breathy voiced stops) within the framework of Ohala's theory of sound change, and a comparison of predictions thus made with attested parallel developments. On this basis, a new explanation is proposed.

Abstract. Oromo, a Cushitic language spoken in Ethiopia and Kenya, shows certain phonologically irregular phenomena with respect to the coronal implosive consonant that have never been explained satisfactorily. First, in some dialects, roots ending in a short /d/ behave like final-/?/ roots while in some others they behave like fmal-/t/ roots. Secondly, unlike the geminates of all other consonants, which behave like heterogeneous abutting consonants, the long implosive behaves, in some cases, like a single segment. Finally, it is sometimes assumed that in Proto-East-Cushitic, there is evidence for reconstructing two different implosive phonemes in the denti-alveolar region, i.e. *d and *d1, although no one has yet established the relevant difference between them. The aim of this paper is to provide a unitary account of all these facts by proposing an adequate underlying representation of single and long implosives within the model of Feature Geometry as well as suggesting a different diachronic origin for both types of reconstructed implosives.

Abstract. Many Bantu languages have the balanced seven-vowel system i i e a c u u. It is the system that one would, on internal evidence, reconstruct for proto-Bantu. Many other Bantu languages have a reduced five-vowel system i e a c u. The five-vowel systems are historically almost always the result of a merger of the two highest front and back vowels, respectively; i.e., the result of a merger of *i /*i and of *u/*u ("7>5"). Another widespread sound change occurring in Bantu is the one here called "Spirantization". It occurs in seven-vowel languages and affects obstruents in the environment preceding the high vowels i and u (not i and v). It typically creates strident fricatives (s, f...) not formerly present in the system. Some remarkable observations can be made concerning the historical co-occurrence of the two sound shifts. Spirantization and 7>5: (i) No language has undergone 7>5 but not Spirantization; (ii) Only few languages have undergone Spirantization but not 7>5. (iii) In languages which have undergone both sound shifts, Spirantization always preceded 7>5. In this contribution I try to "explain" these patterns of co-occurrence without appeal to structuralist chain analyses. I consider both changes as being independently well motivated, and while admitting the possibility that the phonological system as such may favour or disfavour certain changes I argue that areal norm and areal spread are the major reasons for the widespread combined occurrence of Spirantization and 7>5, in that (apparent) order.

Abstract. The Nilotic family, a group of languages spoken in East Africa allows a uniform subgrouping on the basis of Neogrammarian principles of shared innovations. Nevertheless, there is also evidence for wave-like innovations cutting across intragenetic boundaries. For example, the original contrast between implosive and plosive stops, only retained in three Nilotic languages synchronically, must have been lost independently in different subgroups. Interestingly, implosion has been retained as a distinctive feature in Nilotic languages bordering on other languages where this feature also occurs. This distributional fact suggests that language contact and bilingualism favoured not only the innovation but also the retention of certain phonetic properties of sound systems. A more speculative aspect of the present contribution concerns sound change in expressive words. There is some evidence that separate mechanisms may be operative in such words.

Abstract. Faetar, an isolated dialect of Francoprovençal spoken in one village in southern Italy, shows clear evidence of Italian influence due to extended contact. One indication that Italian has influenced this dialect is the presence of geminates, as Gallic Francoprovençal had lost all length distinctions by the fourteenth century, when Faeto was founded. I discuss the results of production experiments and describe the phonetics, phonology, and morphology of the consonant length distinction in this non-written language. A medial-position consonant length distinction is evident, suggesting Italian influence, but there is no phonetic support for borrowing of the Italian raddoppiamento sintattico pattern of initial-position length distinction. Kattenbusch (1982: 169) claims that single and geminate forms in initial position are allophonic variants, conditioned by the preceding segment. However, his transcriptions include many cases of transcribed geminate and single consonants appearing in identical environments. Acoustic analysis reveals no consistent lexical length distinction in such pairs. I examine historical sources to see if there is a pattern either in Francoprovençal or in Italian which surfaces systematically as a consonant length distinction in Faetar. For this purpose, a comparison of Francoprovençal cognates to Faetar words containing geminates is made. Neither this nor a comparison to Italian cognates provides a satisfactory explanation of the source of gemination in Faetar.

Abstract. In this paper, we study the productions of twelve French-speaking Belgian subjects who attended a first-year Russian course with the aim of becoming translators or interpreters. A perceptual analysis, conducted by experts of Russian pronunciation, enabled us to define each learner's acquisition profile, and led to the choice of three subjects who had the most contrasted acquisition profiles in the sample. Segmental analysis was used in order to capture some specific phonetic processes involved in the acquisition of Russian. A comparison was made with speech samples drawn from the productions of a native speaker of Russian. Using Long Term Average Spectra as acoustic cues to voice quality, we were able to qualify the subjects' productions in a global and measurable way. This quantititative approach confirmed the results of perceptual and segmental analysis.

Abstract. In this study, the speech of a Wernicke aphasic is analyzed in terms of sound change and not with reference to models of language production. The speech of aphasic patients is characterized by numerous grammatical aberrations. Moreover, the patient TeeBee, whose speech is under consideration, produced a lot of phonemic aberrations. The aberrant phones in the words, and the words as a whole, are considered here not to be "just paraphasic", but are considered as possible functional elements (PFEs). In this view, the point is made that PFEs, though being deviant from the norm, still carry a great deal of semiotic value for the hearer. It will be shown by the data presented that phonic aberrations move within certain borders, even in this case of highly aberrant speech. The German phonemic system is substituted by a floating phonemic parasystem with considerable instability in all elements. The distinctive value of German phonemes is disordered by the production of low-functional elements. With regard to these findings, some differences between sound change in language history and sound change in aphasic speech are discussed.