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- Volume 32, Issue, 2015
Diachronica - Volume 32, Issue 4, 2015
Volume 32, Issue 4, 2015
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Stability, stasis and change
Author(s): Alexandra D'Arcypp.: 449–493 (45)More LessIntensification is prone to invention and renewal, rendering it ideal for delving into mechanisms of variation and change. Recycling (via lexical replacement) is a putative longitudinal constant, yet grammatical change (via grammaticalization) is regularly invoked in the literature. It is not clear how these complement each other. To probe this issue, this paper operationalizes variationist methods to examine intensification in the Origins of New Zealand English Corpus (ONZE; Gordon et al. 2007). The analysis draws on nearly 13,000 tokens across the longue durée (Braudel 1958, 1980), tracing intensification over 130 years of vernacular speech. The picture that emerges extends beyond the distributional waxing and waning of forms. There is evidence for lexical change, but the longitudinal trajectory is not always continuous. Replacement entails reorganization followed by leveling, and grammatical correlates shift across time. Nonetheless, the inherent form/function asymmetry that characterizes the sector also supports periods of ‘fevered’ change.
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Morphomes and predictability in the history of Romance perfects
Author(s): Louise Esherpp.: 494–529 (36)More LessIn mediaeval Gallo-Romance, due to regular sound change, the reflexes of Latin perfectum forms develop stem allomorphy linked to alternation between rhizotonic and arrhizotonic stress. Both the allomorphy and the stress alternation are subsequently eradicated. By contrast, in early Italo-Romance, existing stem allomorphy is redistributed by analogy so that, in the reflexes of Latin perfectum forms, stem alternation and stress alternation have the same distribution, a situation which persists into modern Italo-Romance. These developments illustrate a tendency for the exponents of morphomic distributions to be aligned with one another, facilitating reliable inferences about the forms realising different paradigm cells.
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Venir de (+ infinitive)
Author(s): Jacques Bres and Emmanuelle Labeaupp.: 530–570 (41)More LessThis paper deals with the grammaticalisation of venir into an aspectual auxiliary of immediate anteriority, against the traditional approach (Gougenheim 1971 [1929]) according to which venir de + inf, would express recent past and so would be a temporal auxiliary. On the basis of the (revised) Reichenbachian model, it shows that venir de + inf bears upon the relationship between R and E (aspect) and not on the relationship between R and S (time). This analysis explains why venir, in this periphrasis, is defective (i.e., why venir cannot be conjugated in the passé simple or in any compound tense).
Volumes & issues
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Volume 41 (2024)
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Volume 40 (2023)
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Volume 39 (2022)
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Volume 38 (2021)
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Volume 37 (2020)
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Volume 36 (2019)
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Volume 35 (2018)
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Volume 34 (2017)
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Volume 33 (2016)
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Volume 32 (2015)
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Volume 31 (2014)
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Volume 30 (2013)
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Volume 29 (2012)
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Volume 28 (2011)
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Volume 27 (2010)
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Volume 26 (2009)
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Volume 25 (2008)
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Volume 24 (2007)
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Volume 23 (2006)
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Volume 22 (2005)
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Volume 21 (2004)
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Volume 20 (2003)
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Volume 19 (2002)
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Volume 18 (2001)
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Volume 17 (2000)
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Volume 16 (1999)
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Volume 15 (1998)
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Volume 14 (1997)
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Volume 13 (1996)
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Volume 12 (1995)
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Volume 11 (1994)
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Volume 10 (1993)
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Volume 9 (1992)
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Volume 8 (1991)
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Volume 7 (1990)
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Volume 6 (1989)
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Volume 5 (1988)
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Volume 4 (1987)
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Volume 3 (1986)
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Volume 2 (1985)
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Volume 1 (1984)
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What happened to English?
Author(s): John McWhorter
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