English World-Wide - Volume 38, Issue 3, 2017

In outsourced voice-based services (call centres are a typical example), an agent providing a service is likely to accommodate their speech to that of the customer. In services outsourced to India, as in other postcolonial settings, the customer accent typically does not have a place in that agent’s repertoire. This presents an opportunity to test whether exposure to the customer accent through telephone work promotes phonetic convergence, and/or whether social factors are implicated in convergence. In this map task experiment, 16 IT workers from Pune (half of whom regularly spoke to American colleagues on the telephone) gave directions to American followers. There was evidence of imitation of the bath vowel with an American addressee. However, imitation did not depend on exposure alone. Attitudes to American English, social networks and individuals’ sense of themselves as performers affected their behaviour in the experiment.

Rhoticity is highly variable across English varieties. Traditionally, descriptions of English have distinguished between “rhotic” and “non-rhotic” varieties. However, Harris’s (2013) recent description of three core rhotic systems (R1, R2 and R3) demonstrates that this dichotomy is overly simplistic. The literature describes New Zealand English (NZE) as “non-rhotic”, with partial rhoticity in the lower South Island. This paper reports on data collected in two semi-rural towns in the North Island where young New Zealanders employ a “mixed” distribution of rhoticity. Alongside /r/ use which is traditionally associated with “non-rhotic” varieties (Harris’s R2 and R3), speakers also exhibit /r/ use which is associated with “rhotic” varieties (Harris’s R1). The findings suggest that dynamic rhoticity in NZE, which also persists historically in Englishes world-wide, can be represented more effectively by dispensing with the notions “rhotic” and “non-rhotic”, and by treating rhoticity as a continuum of /r/ use.

This large-scale corpus study explores new parameters which might indicate grammaticalization of the get-passive in recent American English, where the construction has increased in frequency. To this end, large samples of both be- and get-passives from the TIME Magazine Corpus were analyzed with regard to tense, aspect, and situation type (Aktionsart). While tense and aspect preferences of the passives were diachronically stable, the results of the situation-type analysis were of interest for two reasons. First, they showed clear differences in the way get- and be-passives are used which reflect the get-passive’s inchoative origins. And second, the diachronic analysis of situation-type preferences for get-passives provides a first indication that they may be further grammaticalizing as they begin to behave more like canonical be-passives in the most recent data. This finding is tentatively supported by supplementary data from COHA.

This paper seeks to provide a detailed sociophonetic analysis of kit vowel variation in Coloured South African English (CSAfE). 40 Coloured speakers (20 male; 20 female) from middle-class and working-class backgrounds were analysed using methods of automatic vowel measurement. 2,253 tokens of kit were isolated into phonological environments which condition the split: before and after velar consonants /k, g/, before /ŋ/, before palato-alveolar consonants /ʧ, ʃ, ʤ, ʒ/, after /h/, and word initially. Working-class CSAfE speakers displayed a wider split in the set: they used a higher and fronter variant in all conditioning environments, approximating [ɪ], while tokens in the unconditioned environments were produced in the region of [ə]. Middle-class speakers displayed a definite split, conditioned by the same environments, but with a smaller distance between the two values. The binary split maintains its vitality in this variety of South African English.