Journal of Language and Politics - Volume 15, Issue 6, 2016

This article explores how the mediatisation of politics is evolving by analysing the different ways in which three political “gaffes” in recent British politics have been configured by the media environment. The article draws on theories suggesting that contemporary political action is enveloped by media scrutiny and the technological forms of mediation are diversified and hybridised rather than concentrated and uniform. Using case studies, the analysis examines the varying ways in which the broadcast interview can be part of a wider ecology of media technologies that afford an expanding range of discursive strategies for the negative construal of political actions.

Within the field of political psychology studies, the main goal of the present study is to investigate in depth the role played by two different forms – E-Tactics vs E-Movement – of social media activism on the quality of discourses and their possible level of acquired empowerment. Two Italian cases of e-minorities (Teatro Valle Occupato and Roars) will be analysed in terms of argumentative moves following a pragma-dialectic perspective in order to observe how they can construct a possible process of conscientization. Results, achieved by means of quanti-qualitative methods, highlight how E-Tactics (Teatro Valle Occupato), differently from E-Movement (Roars), can better promote normative but also creative forms of argumentations, as activists can claim for their rights but mainly also promote value change. This type of activism is strongly correlated to political participation, differently from E-Movement, mainly oriented to individual empowerment.

The article investigates the construction of the “self” and the “other” in George W. Bush’s political discourse before and after the Iraq war. Van Dijk’s ideological square theory is used to examine the group polarization of Us versus Them dichotomy. Halliday’s systemic functional grammar is utilised to analyse the speeches and to designate the strategies that Bush utilises to differentiate between the protagonist (America) and the antagonist (Iraq). Furthermore, the diachrony in Bush’s discourse regarding Iraq’s WMDs and Saddam Hussein is also examined. The results of the study indicated that before the invasion, Iraq was an active entity in upgrading its WMDs’ program and supporting terrorism. However, after the invasion, Iraq is now perceived as a beacon of hope in the Middle East, thus, justifying America’s illegitimate act of invading Iraq.

This paper studies the Belarusian nation as envisioned by the president in his political speeches delivered on the country’s Independence Day. The theoretical framework of the paper rests upon an understanding of the discursive construction of national identity. This analysis of the presidential speeches utilizes principles of the Discourse Historical Approach (DHA). As a special genre of texts, political speeches aim to offer normative guidance and a sense of societal consensus to the public. The paper reveals that in the construction of a national community in Belarus, the presidential speeches ambiguously refer to historical memory, socio-economic development, the political system and the country’s foreign relations.

In this contribution, Obama’s reset in U.S. – Russian relations is viewed in terms of Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory. To link the macro-level of discourse theory to the micro-level of linguistic analysis, the empirical study implements the analysis of indexicality ( Chilton 2004 ) and assumptions ( Fairclough 2003 ) as applied in critical discourse analysis. Obama’s first term representations of Russia were examined in four contexts: global nuclear nonproliferation; Iran and North Korea; the New START Treaty; European ABM system and NATO – Russian relations. Articulations in the first and second contexts exhibited Obama’s strategies to construct Russia as partner in his hegemonic project of global nuclear nonproliferation. Articulations in the third context demonstrated Obama’s strategies of creating different discursive Russias to achieve the ratification of START, whereas no strategies proved successful in mitigating the issue of missile defense. In all four contexts, Obama’s construction of Russia was, to various degrees, permeated by ambiguity.

The article addresses denominations of specific regions, Local Action Groups (LAGs), in Czechia, and contributes to the academic debate regarding: relationships between formation of regions, their symbolic shape and regional identity; formation of regions by means of regional development. A set of 179 LAG names registered in the database of the National Network of Local Action Groups in the Czech Republic as of March 2014 are examined. LAG names are first analyzed in terms of the phenomena that constitute their essence, and subsequently their territorial differentiation is discussed. The analysis affirms the importance of territorial approach towards regional denomination. It has equally been affirmed that region naming strategies are spatially fragmented. Nevertheless, the territorial differentiation of names of LAG regions mirrors the elementary spatial patterns traditionally reproduced in the Czech context, namely west-east gradient of development level, distinctions between historical lands and differences between inland and borderland resettled after WWII.