- Home
- e-Journals
- Linguistics in the Netherlands
- Previous Issues
- Volume 29, Issue, 2012
Linguistics in the Netherlands - Volume 29, Issue 1, 2012
Volume 29, Issue 1, 2012
-
Is the Dutch Delay of Principle B Effect dependent on verb type?
Author(s): Saskia van den Akker, John Hoeks, Jennifer Spenader and Petra Hendrikspp.: 1–14 (14)More LessDutch children interpret reflexives correctly from age 4 on, but frequently misinterpret object pronouns as coreferring with the local subject until age 6. We investigated whether this so-called Delay of Principle B Effect (DPBE) differs by verb type. We tested 47 children between 4 and 6 years old with regular transitive verbs (e.g., to hit) and grooming verbs (e.g., to wash), verbs that often refer to self-directed actions. In general, children displaying the DPBE performed equally well on both verb types. In contrast, children who performed poorly on pronouns and reflexives made significantly more errors interpreting pronouns with grooming verbs than with transitive verbs. This suggests that young children are aware of the tendency for certain events to be self-directed. However, our results show they only apply this information when interpreting pronouns but not reflectives, indicating that they also use their grammatical knowledge.
-
A first glance at the role of length in production and perception of diphthongs before Dutch coda l
Author(s): Janine Berns and Haike Jacobspp.: 15–26 (12)More LessBotma, Sebregts & Smakman (2008, 2010, 2012) have shown that in Dutch there is variation in the neutralization of tense and lax vowels before coda l. In this study, we will extend the scope of their investigation by examining the effect of coda l on preceding diphthongs. A pilot production experiment shows that diphthongs can be completely neutralized in this context and may become monophthongs. A perception experiment reveals that length serves as an important cue for listeners in the identification of vowels followed by dark l.
-
Deaccentuation in Dutch as a second language: Where does the accent go to?
Author(s): Johanneke Caspers, Evelyn Bosma, Frida Kramm and Polona Reyapp.: 27–40 (14)More LessA non-native accent in a second language is usually not restricted to the segmental domain — consonants and vowels — but is also noticeable in the suprasegmental domain, which includes phenomena such as word stress and sentence accent. The central question in this paper is whether advanced non-native speakers of Dutch produce pitch accent errors as a result of deaccentuation of given information in ‘verum focus’ sentences (‘… but I don’t READ books’). We expected the correct position of the pitch accent to be problematic for speakers with a non-Germanic mother tongue (L1) as compared to speakers with a Germanic L1. Non-native speakers of Dutch with Hungarian or German as L1 and a control group of native Dutch speakers read aloud a text containing a number of verum focus sentences. The results reveal that the Hungarian speakers tend to focus the negation, while the German speakers of Dutch as a second language highlight the finite verb, just as the native speakers do.
-
Neuter gender in a sexless language: The case of Zulu
Author(s): Merijn de Dreu and Leston Buellpp.: 41–54 (14)More LessIn some Germanic languages, neuter gender is used both as a lexical gender and for certain grammatical functions, while in Romance languages, neuter gender is only employed for grammatical functions. Zulu, a Bantu language, has a much more elaborate noun class system than those languages, but one not rooted in sex or animacy as in Germanic or Romance. However, it is shown that Zulu noun class 17 is used for the same range of grammatical functions as neuter gender in Indo-European. Specifically, Indo-European neuter gender and Zulu class 17 are used when the referent has no specific noun class properties, for expletive subjects, and as the subject of nominal predication, even when the referent is human. Aside from its use in some languages as a gender for nouns, then, neuter gender can be understood as a cluster of grammatical functions, independently of the way the lexicon is organized.
-
Can speech pitch perception be measured language-independently?
Author(s): Willemijn Heeren, Andrei A. Avram, Anna Cardinaletti, Martine Coene and Francesca Volpatopp.: 55–67 (13)More LessRecently, a test battery was developed with the goal of assessing perception of F0 in linguistic, but language-independent, contexts by listeners from different language backgrounds. Test validation using Dutch, Italian and Romanian listeners generally showed comparable performance. In this study we present cross-language results on how F0 contributes to prominence perception in Dutch (a Germanic language) and Italian and Romanian (Romance languages), as well as on how F0 trades off with duration, a second important cue to prominence. We discuss implications of these results for the language-independent set-up of the test battery.
-
Obviation properties of the d-pronoun in Dutch
Author(s): Jacqueline van Kampenpp.: 68–81 (14)More LessThe present paper discusses a decisive difference in Dutch between the d(emonstrative)-pronoun and the p(ersonal)-pronoun. The d-pronoun is a grammatical device for focus-to-topic-shift. Van Kampen (2010) derived this from two properties of the d-pronoun, neither of them present in the p-pronoun. (i) The d-pronoun obviates as antecedent all arguments except the first preceding focus. (ii) The d-pronoun introduces the new topic of its sentence. The present paper derives three other properties of the d-pronoun. The d-pronoun allows a bound variable reading in certain complex CPs (Section 2). A d-pronoun in a temporal adjunct CP can bind a quantifier in the matrix CP, but it does not do so in non-temporal adjunct CPs (Section 3), nor in complement CPs (Section 4). Since the d-pronoun is not only an anaphor locally bound by the first preceding focus, but also a discourse anaphor, it invites a reconsideration of the notion ‘bound anaphor’ in the Binding Theory.
-
V-stranding ellipsis and verbal identity: The role of polarity focus
Author(s): Anikó Liptákpp.: 82–96 (15)More LessThis paper shows that the identity condition that characterizes V-stranding ellipsis is not verbal and does not only characterize syntactic heads. In some contexts, this type of ellipsis can strand phrasal material distinct from verbs that complies with the identity condition. The kind of contexts in which this can be attested are contexts in which ellipsis elides a TP licensed by a polarity focus head Σ0. This finding has important theoretical consequences for the explanation of the identity condition in V-stranding ellipsis, as it cannot be captured by current theories that put down identity to the special status of head movement in grammar.
-
Subject interpretation of object questions by Dutch 5-year-olds: The role of number agreement in comprehension
Author(s): Marijke Metz, Angeliek van Hout and Heather van der Lelypp.: 97–110 (14)More LessWe investigated the interpretation of Dutch wie ‘who’- and welke ‘which’-questions in Dutch 5-year-olds. In contrast to wh-questions in many languages, Dutch wh-questions are structurally ambiguous between a subject and an object reading. We used test items in which the ambiguity was resolved by number agreement. The participants (N = 20) heard a wh-question and had to choose the corresponding picture out of a set of four; this method revealed their interpretation as either subject or object question. The results show that 5-year-olds interpret all question types as subject questions, independent of the agreement cues. Thus, they effectively do not attend to the agreement mismatch that this interpretation causes for the object questions. These errors suggest an overly strong subject-first bias in 5-year-olds. We argue that number agreement is too weak a cue for children to overcome this tendency.
-
The 12321 model of Dutch spelling acquisition
Author(s): Anneke Neijt, Mijntje Peters and Johan Zuidemapp.: 111–122 (12)More LessWe propose that Dutch children acquire and use knowledge of Dutch spelling through a series of stages we call the 12321 model. At first, a single phase for the mapping of speech onto writing suffices, but in later stages of instruction, two or three mapping phases are needed. This is one aspect of our hypothesis about spelling development. The other aspect relates to experience, which allows for storage of the mapping relation between larger parts of speech and concomitant larger strings of letters. As a consequence, the necessary number of mapping phases for words or parts of words that are frequently used decreases from three to two, and ultimately to one once more — hence the name 12321 model.
-
Thinking in the right direction: An ellipsis analysis of right-dislocation
Author(s): Dennis Ott and Mark de Vriespp.: 123–134 (12)More LessWe propose to analyze right-dislocation constructions in terms of clausal coordination, coupled with ellipsis. While neither rightward movement nor base-generation of backgrounded and afterthought phrases is descriptively accurate, we show that the facts follow straightforwardly on an analysis that takes the dislocated phrase to be the surface remnant of a second clause that is underlyingly parallel to the host clause and reduced by ellipsis at PF. Right-dislocated XPs are thus theoretically assimilated to sluiced wh-phrases, fragment answers, and other sentential fragments. We furthermore suggest that the two clauses in right-dislocation are syntactically related by an abstract coordinating head, making right-dislocation an instance of specifying coordination.
-
Against a minimal–augmented analysis of number
Author(s): Kees de Schepperpp.: 134–146 (13)More LessRecently, it has been proposed that number on pronouns has minimal–augmented values instead of singular–plural values. This proposal leads to a split between nominal and pronominal number. I argue against this proposal as the pronominal paradigms of the world’s languages provide more evidence for a singular–plural analysis than for a minimal–augmented analysis.
-
Easy to (re)analyse: Tough-constructions in minimalism
Author(s): C. Jan-Wouter Zwartpp.: 147–158 (12)More LessWithin minimalism, we may assume derivations to involve subderivations, connected by the interface components dealing with sound and meaning (layered derivations). If so, complex adjectival constructions involving predicates like tough/easy (as in John is easy to please) receive a natural account in terms of reanalysis taking place at these interface components, turning a complex adjectival construction into a simplex adjective which can be merged in predicative or attributive position in the next derivation layer. Arguments against reanalysis address earlier, more complicated conceptions of reanalysis, and fail to distinguish plain and expanded tough-constructions, the latter not showing any reanalysis characteristics. In a layered-derivation cum reanalysis approach, the arguments for empty operator movement in the embedded infinitival clause disappear, and the reanalysed construction shows the properties of an adjectival passive instead.
Volumes & issues
-
Volume 40 (2023)
-
Volume 39 (2022)
-
Volume 38 (2021)
-
Volume 37 (2020)
-
Volume 36 (2019)
-
Volume 35 (2018)
-
Volume 34 (2017)
-
Volume 33 (2016)
-
Volume 32 (2015)
-
Volume 31 (2014)
-
Volume 30 (2013)
-
Volume 29 (2012)
-
Volume 28 (2011)
-
Volume 27 (2010)
-
Volume 26 (2009)
-
Volume 25 (2008)
-
Volume 24 (2007)
-
Volume 23 (2006)
-
Volume 22 (2005)
-
Volume 21 (2004)
-
Volume 20 (2003)
-
Volume 19 (2002)
-
Volume 18 (2001)
-
Volume 17 (2000)
-
Volume 16 (1999)
-
Volume 15 (1998)
-
Volume 14 (1997)
-
Volume 13 (1996)
-
Volume 12 (1995)
-
Volume 11 (1994)
-
Volume 10 (1993)
-
Volume 9 (1992)
-
Volume 8 (1991)
Most Read This Month
Article
content/journals/15699919
Journal
10
5
false

-
-
Topic and focus within D
Author(s): Enoch O. Aboh
-
-
-
Short negative replies in Spanish
Author(s): Luis Vicente
-
-
-
Patterns of relative clauses
Author(s): Mark de Vries
-
- More Less