Lingvisticæ Investigationes - Volume 8, Issue 1, 1984

Comme Operator of Referential InclusionSequences with comme in their Det N1 comme (Det) N2 (un homme comme Charlie Parker...) form present original syntactic and semantic characteristics. The morpheme comme functions as an operator of referential inclusion of (Det) N2 in Det N1, itself a realization of one (or more) sememe of (Det) N2. Various factors, such as the choice of N2 and mostly the form of the verbal phrase, condition a more or less intensive interpretation of similar sequences and clearly differentiate them from comparative sequences introduced by comme, although they both look identical at first sight.

The purpose of this paper is to show that it could be advantageous to analyse a demonstrative description of the type Ce + N as an abbreviated form of a presupposed Ce + est +N attributive and classifying structure.This notion offers the advantage of accounting for the basic semantic properties of the demonstrative description. It also provides a firm basis to analyse the various ways of using demonstrative adjectives. Attention is focused on three points in the paper:i) The semantic content of the demonstrative adjective and demonstrative pronoun ce,ii) The presupposition implied in classifying deictic predication,iii) The partitive aspect of the quantifying operation carried out by the demonstrative adjective.

Critical Remarks on American Linguistics and its HitoriographyThe paper argues that, contrary to recent accounts offered as definitive history of the development of linguistic theory in North America, the 1950s witnessed much more of a continuity than the alleged discontinuity and break with the past. Indeed, it is suggested that a scientific revolution in the Kuhnian sense did not take place following the publication of Syntactic Structures in 1957, but that essential ingredients of transformational theory had been available in post-Bloomfieldian circles (of which Chomsky was a part) from the late 1940s onwards. Zellig S. Harris' "Transfer Grammar" and Charles F. Hockett's "Two Models of Grammatical Description", both published in 1954 (though developed several years earlier), are cited as just two instances in which a générative model of language processing was proposed. Moreover, it is suggested that Noam Chomsky, Morris Halle, and their associates had engaged, from early on, in 'revolutionary rhetoric' (Stephen Murray) which, for social, economic, and other reasons, produced the impression of a paradigm change in the minds of many of the younger generation at the time, where in effect little else than a further articulation of a structuralist conception of language took place.

It is the purpose of this paper to explain one syntactic construction, that in Portuguese corresponds to one French type of construction which can be illustrated by the following sentences:Max donne un coup d'accélérateur à sa voiture.(Max steps on his car's accelerator)In Portuguese we would sayO Pedro da uma aceleradela no carroWe can also have this same form using another verbO Pedro fez uma amolgadela no carro(Peter had a smash done to his car)In Portuguese we use the verbs dar (to give) and fazer (to do) followed by a V-n plus the suffix -dela.These examples intend to show that the sentences used above are in relation with the next two as para-phrases:O Pedro acelera o carro(Peter accelerates his car) O Pedro amolga o carro(Peter smashes his car)We listed the Portuguese verbs that can be associated with the following forms N0 dar Det V-n (Prep N1+E), N0 fazer Det V-n (Prep N1 + E). The sequence (Prep N1 + E) is linked to the object form of the Portuguese verbs: N0 V (N1 + Prep N1 + E).The verb list is disposed through columns describing not only the nature of the subject (human or non-human) and the form of the object, but also nominal constructions which are in syntactic relation with verbal construction.

Dans les dictionnaires de français on rencontre fréquemment, parmi les signes de transcription phonétique, le symbole [e] pour indiquer la consonne nasale palatale. Dans plus d'un manuel de phonétique on signale cependant que les prononciations [e] et [nj] se confondent, surtout dans la langue populaire. Si tel est le cas il convient de demander s'il n'est pas temps de remplacer [e] par /nj/ au niveau sousjacent. Il y a effectivement un certain nombre de phénomènes qui semblent soutenir une telle réanalyse. D'autres phénomènes, par contre, ne cadrent pas avec elle. Pour concilier les deux ensembles de faits nous proposons l'hypothèse qu'il y a un An/ au niveau sousjacent qui sera converti en [nj] au cours de la dérivation phonologique. Une telle proposition avait déjà été faite par Dell 1972 mais il ne l'avait pas étayée par une argumentation soutenue. L'hypothèse ressemble à celle faite par Leys 1970 pour le son néerlandais [e]. Leys avait proposé de considérer ce son comme le reflet superficiel de la séquence sousjacente /ng/. Booy 1980 et Trommelen 1983 ont critiqué certains aspects de l'argumentation de Leys. Nous démontrerons cependant que les inconvénients de son analyse ne se retrouvent pas dans notre approche.