Studies in Language. International Journal sponsored by the Foundation “Foundations of Language” - Volume 38, Issue 4, 2014

Although it is common for “replacive” tonal patterns to be assigned by word-level morphological constructions, it is far less common for such overriding schemas to be assigned by specific phrase-level syntactic constructions. Kalabari, an Ijo language of Nigeria, does exactly this: Whenever the noun is preceded by a modifier, it loses its tones and receives different “melodies” depending on the constructional word class of the preceding specifier/modifier, either /HL/, /HLH/, /LH/, or /L/. In this paper, we first document the assignment of these different syntactic melodies and then provide evidence for how they developed diachronically. We then present a brief survey of other linguistic phenomena which partially resemble the Kalabari system, but conclude that tone is the only phrasal phonological property that can be assigned by construction from word to word.

Reflexes of the Proto-Oceanic common noun marker *na are found throughout the Oceanic language family. In Mavea, there is a morpheme na but it no longer partakes in the determiner system and is best analyzed synchronically as a preposition. This paper argues that today’s preposition is a reflex of the Proto-Oceanic common noun marker *na. Locative constructions are shown to provide a critical context conducive to the reanalysis of *na. Reanalysis has long been established as a mechanism of syntactic change, yet the factors motivating it remain a matter for debate. The dominant view is that reanalysis is driven by pragmatic factors. A rarely voiced view is that it is driven by structural requirements. The data adduced in this paper lend support to a model of syntactic change which can be structure-preserving in nature.

This article examines three types of Korean constructions: case stacking and two types of non-nominative subject constructions. Relying on an independently established descriptive construct known as reference-point, I argue that the complex forms of these constructions reflect their meanings and functions. I further argue that the reference-point-based analysis of these constructions offers a unified account of a substantial range of phenomena when it is combined with the notion of conceptual and constructional blending. In providing technical analyses of the phenomena, I adopt the Cognitive Grammar (CG) framework. To justify the choice of the theoretical framework of my analysis, I examine the crucial role of spatial semantics in the said constructions, which is viewed as the primary factor underlying the distribution of case marking in CG. I then demonstrate that my CG-based analysis yields a natural explanation of the constructions both intuitively and theoretically.

Previous research has suggested that languages differ in terms of how much prominence is given to the agent. Namely, English prefers to give prominence to a human agent, whereas Japanese prefers to suppress the human agent and express events as if they happen spontaneously (e.g., Ikegami 1981). By using a Japanese novel and its English translation as a parallel corpus, this paper shows quantitatively that Japanese uses more intransitive constructions than English. Using Hopper & Thompson’s (1980) parameters to measure semantic transitivity, this paper also shows that the difference in intransitive constructions was only observed in low semantic transitivity events, whereas both languages exhibit similar trends for high semantic transitivity events. An analysis under the framework of Construction Grammar suggests that the Japanese intransitive construction covers a space in a semantic map which would be occupied by the transitive and adjectival constructions in English.

This paper argues that evidentials in Yurakaré (Bolivia, isolate) have an intersubjective dimension in that they do not only express the speaker’s information source, but also convey the speaker’s assumptions about the addressee’s perspective on the information. To describe these intersubjective evidentials, an analysis is proposed in terms of a relation between speaker and addressee and two propositions, the expressed proposition and the proposition which constitutes evidence for it. Evidence from conversational data is presented to support the intersubjective analysis of the Yurakaré evidentials. Comparing Yurakaré to two other languages, South Conchucos Quechua (Hintz 2007) and Southeastern Tepehuan (Willett 1991), it is suggested that there are at least two types of intersubjective evidentials. Evidentials of the first type have different forms contrasting in terms of intersubjectivity within evidential types (South Conchucos Quechua, Southeastern Tepehuan), while those of the second type have specific intersubjective components without such a contrast (Yurakaré).

Unlike Standard English, one in Singapore Colloquial English (SCE) not only functions as a numeral and a pronoun, it also functions as a nominalizer and a contrastive focus marker. Even though previous studies on SCE one have unequivocally proven that the expanded functions of one were a result of Chinese influence, few have provided an explanation for the non-transferability of the nominal modification marker function. Based on Heine & Kuteva’s (2005) theory that contact-induced grammaticalization conforms to the principles of grammaticalization, this paper argues that an alternative reason why certain functions of Chinese de were not transferred into SCE is due to an absence of ambiguous or bridging contexts, which are mediating conditions for grammaticalization to take place. A detailed analysis of Chinese and English data clearly demonstrates how similarities between one and de create ambiguity in the input of SCE, thereby allowing one to grammaticalize via the mediation of bridging contexts.

I propose a comparative analysis of the locative alternation in Polish and Spanish. I adopt a constructional theory of argument structure (Goldberg (1995)), according to which the locative alternation is an epiphenomenon of the compatibility of a single verb meaning with two different constructions: the caused-motion construction and the causative + with adjunct construction. As claimed by Pinker (1989), a verb must specify a manner of motion from which a particular change of state can be obtained in order to be able to appear in both constructional schemas. However, I show through a corpus study that the compatibility between verbal and constructional meaning is further restricted by Talmy’s (1985, 1991, 2000) distinction between verb-framed and satellite-framed languages. In particular, Talmy’s lexicalization patterns theory systematically explains why both the token frequency and the type frequency of the alternating verbs are considerably higher in Polish than in Spanish.

The purpose of this article is to substantiate the claim that the semantic feature of homogeneity manifests itself differently in different languages. By contrasting data from Spanish and Danish it is shown that homogeneity is lexically coded in Danish nouns, whereas Spanish nouns are lexically neutral to homogeneity. In Spanish the homogeneity interpretation of nouns is determined when they are inserted into a syntactic structure. The empirical relevance of this assumption is assessed by investigating syntactic and semantic aspects related to the occurrence of bare nominals in object position in the two languages under scrutiny. It is well-known that Spanish as a canonical pattern does not semantically license bare singular nouns with count interpretation (BNs) in object position, viz. #Juan repara coche [Juan repairs car], while in Danish the occurrence of BNs in object position is both possible and normal, viz. Ole maler hus [Ole paints house]. It is argued that this contrast is a predictable consequence of the premise that, in Spanish, transitive activity verbs impose a mass reading on any bare object noun whereas, in Danish, BNs maintain their lexically encoded denotation as inhomogeneous entities. However, contrasting with the leading pattern, the so-called HAVE-verbs (Borthen, 2003) actually license Spanish BNs in object position (cf., e.g., Espinal, 2010; Espinal & Mcnally, 2011), viz. Juan tiene perro [Juan has dog]. It is claimed that the occurrence of BNs in these cases is strongly related to the assumption that HAVE-verbs, contrary to activity verbs, are functionally non-eventive and, therefore, do not impose a specific homogeneity reading on the bare noun in object position.

Maniq, spoken by 250–300 people in southern Thailand, is an undocumented geographical outlier of the Aslian branch of Austroasiatic. Isolated from other Aslian varieties and exposed only to Southern Thai, this northernmost member of the group has long experienced a contact situation which is unique in the Aslian context. Aslian is otherwise mostly under influence from Malay, and exhibits typological characteristics untypical of other Austroasiatic and Mainland Southeast Asian languages. In this paper we pursue an initial investigation of the contrastive strategies of the Maniq sound system. We show that Maniq phonology is manifestly Aslian, and displays only minor influence from Thai. For example, Maniq has not developed tone, register, or undergone changes typically associated with tonogenesis. However, it departs from mainstream Aslian phonology by allowing extreme levels of variation in the realisation of consonants, which in our view are best explained by its distinctive social ecology and geographical isolation.

This paper describes splits on the basis of number within first-person verbal pronominal indexes and independent pronouns, and third-person verbal pronominal indexes in Western Toba, a southern Guaicuruan language. First-person nonsingular dependent and independent pronouns are analyzed in terms of ‘restricted group’ and ‘group’, i.e., according to the number of participants plus the speaker involved in the situation depicted by the verb. This is a peculiarity of Western Toba among the southern Guaicuruan languages. In addition, horizontal homophony between third-person singular and collective (‘group’) vs. plural (‘restricted group’) verbal pronominal indexes is shown. Finally, genetic and areal implications of this description are discussed.