Studies in Language. International Journal sponsored by the Foundation “Foundations of Language” - Volume 42, Issue 3, 2018

This article discusses the terminology for the major internal organs of the torso across the Quechuan language family. From both semasiological and onomasiological points of view, differences in the synchronic organization of the semantic field across individual Quechua varieties as well as the diachronic developments that brought them about are described. Particular attention is also paid to semantic reconstruction within the field at the proto-Quechua level, and, with recourse to recent efforts at internal reconstruction, also beyond. Another recurrent theme is the interrelation between lexical data and the conceptions of anatomy and bodily functions encountered in quechua-speaking communities. A major conclusion is that an engagement with such perspectives allows for a considerably richer understanding of lexical organization in synchrony and diachrony than linguistic data alone could provide.

The article discusses gender agreement alternation in Aqusha Dargwa (Nakh-Daghestanian, the Caucasus, Russian Federation). The phenomenon is observed in periphrastic verbal forms with transitive verbs where gender agreement on the auxiliary can show the gender features of either the ergative subject or the absolutive direct object. Considering existing analyses of the phenomenon in terms of information structure, I argue that agreement alternation cannot be captured by sentence-topic-oriented accounts. I also discuss a structural proposal developed by Sumbatova and Lander (2014) and show that their analysis cannot be maintained in full. Instead, I propose a modified analysis according to which only subject agreement, but not object agreement, results from a cross-clausal referential dependency between the ergative subject of the lexical verb and the absolutive subject of the matrix restructuring verb. On this view, agreement alternation may be assimilated to the familiar distinction between ergative and biabsolutive constructions found elsewhere in Nakh-Daghestanian.

This paper makes a contribution to phonological typology by investigating the distribution of affricate-rich languages in Eurasia. It shows that affricate-rich and affricate-dense languages cluster areally within Eurasia and have area-specific histories. In particular, the affricate-rich areas of western Eurasia – a ‘European’ area and a Caucasian area – are not the result of contact-induced sound changes or borrowing, while the two affricate-rich areas of eastern Eurasia – the Hindukush area and the Eastern Himalayan area – are the result of contact. Specifically, affricate-dense areas depend on the emergence of retroflex affricates. Moreover, languages outside these affricate-dense areas tend to lose retroflex affricates.

This paper sets out to examine two locative constructions found in Caijia, an unclassified language with many Sinitic features spoken in Guizhou province of China, using the framework of Ameka & Levinson’s (2007) typology of locative predicates (basic locative construction [blc]). These are the locative verb construction and the positional verb construction, both of which are used to answer the question ‘Where is the X?’. The different syntactic, semantic and pragmatic constraints on the usage of these two main constructions are described and analyzed in detail as well, while the locative verb construction is identified as the basic locative construction.

The present paper also studies the core constituents in these two constructions, for example, localizers, which serve to indicate a relative spatial relation between two entities and for whose nominal nature we argue in this paper, a locative verb whose source is ‘live, dwell’, and two types of positional verbs. Even though Caijia is a language very close in its characteristics to Sinitic languages, this study demonstrates certain unusual features, atypical for Sinitic. We also show that Caijia does not bear out all the predictions proposed by Ameka & Levinson for the locative verbs in the languages of the single locative type, nor does it entirely conform with the hierarchy for the blc encoding (Ameka & Levinson 2007).

Demonstratives, broadly defined as a subclass of deictic expressions used for exophoric reference, do not develop through direct grammaticalization (Diessel 1999: 150). The renewal of demonstratives, and the mechanisms and motivations underlying such processes, have not received as much attention as the related negative cycle. Greenberg’s (1978) observation that demonstratives are often replaced by reinforced forms might shed light on this diachronic process, and this study aims to explore this phenomenon further, as well as its connection with grammaticalization. Reinforcement of demonstratives can lead to the development of new demonstratives, which may catalyze the grammaticalization of old ones through paradigmatic competition (niche competition). The analysis presented here sees reinforcement as a possible driving force behind grammaticalization, and not vice versa, as suggested in Diessel (2006: 474) and van Gelderen (2011: 210), among others.

This study examines the on-line emergence of insubordinate clauses in Hebrew conversation as constrained by local interactional contingencies, questioning traditional notions of grammatical ‘subordination’ and contributing to conceptions of grammar as a locally sensitive, temporally unfolding resource for social interaction. The clauses examined are syntactically unintegrated (unembedded in any matrix clause), or loosely-integrated (cannot be viewed unambiguously as constituting a relative, complement, or adverbial clause), yet they all begin with she- – the general ‘subordinating conjunction’ in traditional Modern Hebrew grammar. All 102 insubordinate she- clauses found throughout a 5.5 hour audio-recorded corpus were classified according to their discourse function: modal, elaborative, or evaluative/epistemic. Leaving aside the modal type, the remaining insubordinate she- clauses (N = 70, 69%) are shown to emerge on-line while speakers are busy performing a variety of tasks and responding to local interactional contingencies. In all of these cases she- functions as a generic ‘wildcard’ tying back to immediately prior discourse and projecting an elaboration/evaluation of it, in either same- or other-speaker talk. The findings concerning insubordinate clauses suggest a usage-based perspective also on canonical subordinate clauses, positioning canonical and syntactically unintegrated clauses at two ends of a continuum.

Complex phenomena of grammatical tone, well-described for many African languages, are increasingly attested also in the Tibeto-Burman family. This paper describes the tone assignment rule and two cases of tonal expression of grammatical categories in the Tibeto-Burman language Anal. The typologically unusual rule involves tone spreading, tonal polarity on a non-edge constituent and additional spreading, resulting in constant tonal patterns across grammatical suffixes. In two different cases the combination of the tonal pattern assigned by this rule with peculiar morpho-tonological processes results in a marking of a grammatical category (future and 1sg-person) by grammatical tone, by vowel-length, or only by the overall tonal pattern of the verbal form. Both cases are related to the omission of an explicit marking of the category, although the outcome cannot be explained only by the concept of a floating tone.

Ikema is defined as ‘definitely endangered’ by UNESCO (2009). The study examines an evaluative morpheme -gama used by old Ikema speakers aged 64 to 86 when speaking between Ikema speakers and when speaking Standard Japanese with outsiders. Descriptive grammar of Ikema (Hayashi 2010; Hayashi 2013 inter alia) has treated -gama as diminutive morpheme, representing smallness such as tui-gama ‘small bird’ or showing the affections to the base noun. The observations on naturally occurring data, however, revealed that the Ikema speakers barely used -gama by means of describing smallness: the most frequent use of -gama was found to be non-supplementary (Shetter 1959) and carries various socio-pragmatic functions. The related meanings/functions of -gama are presented in radial category (Lakoff 1987).