Written Language & Literacy - Volume 22, Issue 2, 2019

This paper investigates the issue of orthographic variation in the Linear B writing system in order to explore ways in which studying a writing system’s orthographic conventions may shed light on the history of its development. Linear B was used in the palatial/administrative centres of Late Bronze Age Greece and Crete (c.1400–1200 B.C.E.) and records an early Greek dialect known as ‘Mycenaean’. The writing system’s structure and orthographic conventions permit flexibility in the spelling of particular phonological sequences: this paper discusses the varying orthographic representation of such sequences and shows that synchronic variation is common or even the norm in many cases. Investigating the factors which underlie this variation demonstrates the potential for a study of synchronic variation to illuminate a writing system’s diachronic development; it also underlines the importance of analysing the ways in which writers actually choose to use writing systems in order to fully understand their development.

This paper traces the employment of original Phoenician-Punic guttural graphemes, <ˀ>, <ˁ>, , and <ḥ>, to represent vowel phonemes in later Punic. Three typologically distinct treatments are identified: (1) morphographic, where the grapheme <ˀ> indicates the etymological glottal stop /ˀ/ (its original function) as well as vowel morphemes without specifying their phonological character; (2) morpho-phonographic, where guttural graphemes continue to indicate etymological guttural consonants, but now both the presence of a vowel morpheme and (potentially) the vowel quality of that morpheme; and (3) phonographic, where the same set of guttural graphemes serve to denote vowel phonemes only, and do not any longer indicate guttural consonants. The threefold division is argued for on the basis of the Late Punic language written in Punic and Neopunic scripts. Despite the availability of dedicated vowel graphemes, these are not obligatorily written in any period of written Punic. It is suggested that a typologically significant path of development may be observed across these three uses of guttural graphemes, with (3) the endpoint of a development from morphography to phonography.

The Korean Hangul writing system conforms to the alphabetic principle to the extent that its graphs (i.e., its minimal orthographic components) represent phonemes, but it differs from the standard convention of alphabetic orthography by configuring its syllables as blocks. This paper describes the orthographic, phonological, and morphological characteristics of the Korean language and Hangul and reviews a selection of psycholinguistic studies that have investigated Hangul word recognition. In contrast to the results of studies employing Roman alphabetic orthographies, the reviewed evidence highlights at sublexical levels both the dominance of syllable-based processing and a propensity to process CVC syllables as body (CV) plus coda (C) units rather than as onset (C) plus rime (VC) units, which together indicate a script-specific decoding of Hangul words. Although the morphological characteristics of Korean have yet to be fully investigated, consistent with the fact that approximately 70 percent of the Korean lexicon consists of Sino-Korean vocabulary, studies have also observed morphological effects on Hangul word recognition. Based on the psycholinguistic evidence reviewed, this paper concludes by proposing to refer to Hangul as a morphosyllabic alphabet writing system, to the extent that the term appears to adequately capture the orthographic, phonological, and morphological characteristics of the script.

This paper addresses two closely related topics for understanding the highly fungible nature of written Japanese. The first is to consider the relative merits of the notions of graphematic representation and orthography with respect to the Japanese writing system (JWS). The second issue is to advocate an inclusive notion of intentionality, which together with the notion of conventionality, provides an approach to thinking about the pervasive nature of graphematic variation within the JWS. Accordingly, the principle Japanese orthographic conventions are outlined in Part 3, while the more substantive Part 4 presents a tentative classification of the various factors of intentionality that also exert considerable influence over contemporary written Japanese.

Berawan is a small ethnic community, numbering fewer than 4,000 members, in the Malaysian state of Sarawak on Borneo Island. There are four language varieties; namely, Long Jegan (LJG), Batu Belah (BB), Long Teru (LTU) and Long Terawan (LTN). This paper describes the development of the preliminary unified Berawan orthography by the authors, in collaboration with representatives from three Berawan communities (BB, LTU and LJG). Smalley’s (1959, 1965) criteria for orthography development are discussed in relation to the authors’ stage framework for orthographic development, which has been adapted from Rempel (1995) within the context of developing the Berawan orthography and the orthographic decisions made by the Berawan. Two additional factors for orthography implementation are proposed. The first stresses the importance of adequate testing, which is essential for both obtaining objective measurements to inform decision making and establishing a well-designed and effective orthography. The second new factor emphasizes the importance of having sufficient time available to learn the developed orthography.