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- Volume 5, Issue, 2008
Spanish in Context - Volume 5, Issue 2, 2008
Volume 5, Issue 2, 2008
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La adquisición del pretérito imperfecto en situación de inmersión
Author(s): Asunción Martínez Arbelaiz and Isabel Pereira Rodríguezpp.: 161–181 (21)More LessEste estudio investiga en qué medida el estudio de la lengua meta en situación de inmersión favorece el desarrollo de la competencia gramatical de los alumnos. Investigaciones anteriores han encontrado un efecto positivo del estudio en el extranjero particularmente sobre la fluidez oral (Freed 1995; Segalowiz y Freed 2004), pero no hay resultados concluyentes de su efecto sobre la corrección gramatical. El presente trabajo compara los datos escritos recogidos sobre el uso del pretérito imperfecto de alumnos anglohablantes de español en un contexto de inmersión con el de alumnos que estudiaban español en una universidad norteamericana. El primer grupo mostró un uso más extenso y correcto de este tiempo, sobre todo en lo que a su función descriptiva se refiere. En conclusión, los resultados permiten afirmar que la corrección gramatical de los alumnos en situación de inmersión mejoró al menos en lo que al uso del pretérito imperfecto se refiere.
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Reflexiones metalingüísticas acerca del voseo costarricense
Author(s): Juan Antonio Thomaspp.: 182–195 (14)More LessEste trabajo describe los resultados de una encuesta metalingüística completada por veinte costarricenses sobre el uso del pronombre de tratamiento (vos, tú o usted) en varios contextos sociales. En esta investigación, se ha valido del programa S.P.S.S. para cruzar las respuestas del uso pronominal con las variables sociales de género, estado civil, edad, ingresos, estudios y provincia de nacimiento. La forma de tratamiento no-marcada en todas las situaciones estudiadas es el pronombre usted, tanto en ámbitos de solidaridad (familiaridad, amistad y confianza) como en los de distanciamiento y de poder. Los encuestados indican el empleo del vos, siempre la forma marcada y de uso minoritario, en ciertas relaciones de confianza y amistad, por ejemplo, con miembros de la familia, amigos y, a veces, con compañeros de trabajo. La prueba chi-cuadrado de Pearson muestra una dependencia significativa entre el empleo del vos en contextos de confianza y las variables independientes de género y edad. El uso costarricense del vos no equivale ni al vos de otras regiones voseantes ni tampoco al tú. El tratamiento con tú, pronombre tradicionalmente ajeno al sistema costarricense, aparece con escasa frecuencia entre las respuestas.
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The /‑(e)se/ in popular Dominican Spanish: An expressive marker not a double plural
Author(s): Rafael Núñez-Cedeñopp.: 196–223 (28)More LessIn Dominican Spanish, speakers produce the marker /‑(e)se/ to turn singulars arroz and gallina into the plurals arrócese and gallínase. Núñez Cedeño (2003) proposed that grammar alone is insufficient to account for its distribution. He introduced an information structure explanation suggesting that pragmatic factors guided speakers in selecting specific grammatical contexts to insert a /‑(e)se/ plural [instead of a /‑(e)s/ plural]. Colina (2006) proposed an alternative optimality analysis arguing that the regular plural is formed on a plural /‑s/ regulated by a constraint which prevents it from surfacing. This paper proposes a three-pronged approach to counter previous analyses. Firstly, it shows that the ‘double plural’ does not exist and that /‑e/, not /‑s/, signals plural formation. Secondly, this analysis shows that previous accounts relying on focused constituents only cannot hold because /‑se/ realization occurs both in focus and topic positions. Thirdly, based on the Expressive Morphology hypothesis, this article proposes that /‑se/ is an expressive morphological marker used under some restricted morpho-phonological conditions.
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Their language, our Spanish: Introducing public discourses of ‘Gringoism’ as racializing linguistic and cultural reappropriation
Author(s): Adam Schwartzpp.: 224–245 (22)More LessThis study exposes ‘gringo Spanish’ as a discursive site for the reproduction of privilege, racism and social order in White public spaces. I begin my arguments by exploring Whiteness, doing so by unpacking what I term ‘Gringoism’, which involves the active celebration of a White, monolingual (un)consciousness through particular linguistic and cultural performance. Brief analysis of one particular educational text (Harvey 1990/2003) supports greater discussions of indexicality, intersubjectivity, the elevation of Whiteness and discourses of ‘making sense’ of Spanish-speaking Others. The study closes with implications for the field of Mexican American studies, which in turn offers considerations for scholars studying Spanish within greater educational, anthropological and socio-cultural contexts.
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Natural versus elicited data in cross-cultural speech act realisation: The case of requests in Peninsular Spanish and British English
Author(s): Patricia Bou Franch and Nuria Lorenzo-Duspp.: 246–277 (32)More LessThis paper explicitly addresses the ‘elicited versus natural data debate’ in cross-cultural speech act realisation research through critical discussion of an empirical study of comparable request sequences by Spanish and British undergraduates to one of their lecturers. Elicited (discourse completion tests) and natural data (unsolicited emails) were used and, not unexpectedly, produced significantly different results for each language community. That these differences related to crucial aspects of the interpretation and performance of requesting behaviour — such as organisation, density and politeness choices — leads us to argue that the goals of cross-cultural speech act realisation research can be best pursued through the analysis of natural data. The latter, however, should not be regarded as some methodological panacea but needs to be exposed to the same intellectual rigour that elicited data have been.
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Final nasal variation in Merida, Yucatan
Author(s): Jim Michnowiczpp.: 278–303 (26)More LessThis article investigates the linguistic and social constraints on final nasal variation in Yucatan Spanish (YS), based on data collected in Merida, Yucatan. Absolute final nasals in YS may surface variably as: [n], [ŋ], ø or [m] (e.g. pan → [pám], ‘bread’). The results reveal a distribution of final nasal realization unique to YS, as well as detail its patterning throughout the community. Unlike some previous findings, the data under investigation here demonstrate [n] to be the preferred nasal variant, accounting for 60% of tokens. Regional variant [m] accounts for 25%, while [ŋ] and ø were infrequent variants, arising 8% and 5% of the time, respectively. Standard [n] occurs mostly among older speakers and Spanish monolinguals. Bilabial [m], however, is a recent innovation, led by younger speakers, women, and Mayan-Spanish bilinguals. The realization [m] may serve as a marker of regional identity for some speakers. For others, though, this variant is becoming a linguistic stereotype, as suggested by qualitative data from speaker comments and instances of [m] in the popular culture, including on internet websites.
Volumes & issues
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Volume 21 (2024)
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Volume 20 (2023)
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Volume 19 (2022)
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Volume 18 (2021)
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Volume 17 (2020)
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Volume 16 (2019)
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Volume 15 (2018)
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Volume 14 (2017)
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Volume 13 (2016)
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Volume 12 (2015)
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Volume 11 (2014)
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Volume 10 (2013)
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Volume 9 (2012)
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Volume 8 (2011)
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Volume 7 (2010)
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Volume 6 (2009)
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Volume 5 (2008)
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Volume 4 (2007)
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Volume 3 (2006)
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Volume 2 (2005)
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Volume 1 (2004)
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