The Mental Lexicon - Volume 10, Issue 3, 2015

A small but growing body of research on English and Dutch has found that pronunciation of affixes in a word form is sensitive to paradigmatic probability – i.e., the probability of using that form over other words in the same morphological paradigm. Yet it remains unclear (a) how paradigmatic probability is best measured; (b) whether an increase in paradigmatic probability leads to phonetic enhancement or reduction; and (c) by what mechanism paradigmatic probability can affect pronunciation. The current work examines pronunciation variation of Russian verbal agreement suffixes. I show that there are two distinct patterns of variation, corresponding to two different measures of paradigmatic probability. One measure, pairwise paradigmatic probability, is associated with a pronunciation pattern that resembles phonetic enhancement. The second measure, lexeme paradigmatic probability, can show enhancement effects, but can also yield reduction effects more similar to those of contextual probability. I propose that these two patterns can be explained in an exemplar model of lexical storage. Reduction effects are the consequence of faster retrieval and encoding of an articulatory target, while effects that resemble enhancement result when the pronunciation target of both members of a pair of competing word forms is shifted towards the more frequent of two.

The current research utilizes lexical decision within an oddball ERP paradigm to study early lexical processing. Nineteen undergraduate students completed four blocks of the oddball lexical decision task (Nonword targets among Words, Word targets among Nonwords, Word targets among Pseudowords, and Pseudoword targets among Words). We observed a reliable P3 ERP component in conditions where the distinction between rare and frequent trials could be made solely based on lexical status (Words among Nonwords and Nonwords among Words). We saw a reliable P3 to rare words among frequent pseudowords, but no P3 was observed when participants were asked to detect pseudowords in the context of frequent word stimuli. We argue that this observed modulation of the P3 results is consistent with psycholinguistic literature that suggests that two criteria are available during lexical access when performing a lexicality judgement, a non-lexical criterion that relies on global activation at the word level and a lexical criterion that relies on activation of a lexical representation (Coltheart, Rastle, Perry, Langdon, & Ziegler, 2001; Grainger & Jacobs, 1996).

Research with native-speaking monolinguals demonstrates that orthographic coding during lexical access is flexible in terms of letter positioning. Evidence for this comes in part from the observation of priming from transposed-letter (TL) non-words (jugde/judge), which is assumed to arise from spread of activation throughout an orthographically-defined neighborhood. The present study tested the hypothesis that, for bilinguals, orthographic coding of letter position is influenced by cross-language lexical activation. TL non-words were created from English-Spanish cognates that differed in their degree of orthographic overlap as well as from non-cognates. In Experiment 1, these served as primes in a masked lexical decision task. In Experiment 2, they were presented as targets in a mouse-tracking lexical decision task. In both experiments Spanish-­English bilinguals’ lexical decision performance reflected greater TL priming for cognates relative to non-cognates and for cognates with more orthographic overlap relative to cognates with less orthographic overlap.

We explored the way grammatical gender is represented in the bilingual mental lexicon in order to determine whether the grammatical gender of the first language (L1) affects the production of nouns in the second language (L2). Furthermore, we explored the representation of the Romanian “neuter” gender to see if it is distinct from the masculine and feminine. Romanian-French bilinguals were tested using a picture-naming task in L2 (Experiments 1 and 2) and a translation task from L1 to L2 (Experiment 3). Participants had to use either a bare noun (Condition 1) or a noun phrase (Condition 2). Responses were faster on gender congruent than on gender incongruent stimuli in both conditions, and neuter was found to be distinct from masculine and feminine. These results suggest that grammatical gender information is available at the level of lexical representation and that the bilingual lexicon is structured in a manner that allows information from the lexical level of both languages to interact. They also point to a tripartite gender system in Romanian.

Recent research suggests that visually-presented words are initially morphologically segmented whenever the letter-string can be exhaustively assigned to existing morphological representations, but not when an exhaustive parse is unavailable; e.g., priming is observed for both hunter → HUNT and brother → BROTH, but not for brothel → BROTH. Few studies have investigated whether this pattern extends to novel complex words, and the results to date (all from novel suffixed words) are mixed. In the current study, we examine whether novel compounds (drugrack → RACK) yield morphological priming which is dissociable from that in novel pseudoembedded words (slegrack → RACK). Using masked priming, we find significant and comparable priming in reaction times for word-final elements of both novel compounds and novel pseudoembedded words. Using overt priming, however, we find greater priming effects (in both reaction times and N400 amplitudes) for novel compounds compared to novel pseudoembedded words. These results are consistent with models assuming across-the-board activation of putative constituents, while also suggesting that morpheme activation may persevere despite the lack of an exhaustive morpheme-based parse when an exhaustive monomorphemic analysis is also unavailable. These findings highlight the critical role of the lexical status of the pseudoembedded prime in dissociating morphological and orthographic priming.

We present an auditory presentation technique called segmented binaural presentation. The technique builds on the dichotic listening paradigm (Shankweiler & Studdert-Kennedy, 1967; Studdert-Kennedy & Shankweiler, 1970) and segmented lexical presentation (Libben, 2003; Betram, Kuperman, Baayen, & Hyönä, 2011). The technique allows the first part of a word to be presented to one ear and the second part of the word to be presented to the other ear. The experimenter may thus manipulate whether a stimulus is segmented in this binaural manner and, if it is segmented, the location of the binaural segmentation within the word. We discuss how the technique may be implemented on the Macintosh platform, using PsyScope and freely available software for audio file creation. We also report on a test implementation of the technique using suffixed and compound English words in a lexical decision task. Results suggest that the technique differentiates between segmentation that occurs within and between compound constituents.