Linguistic Approaches to Bilingualism - Volume 1, Issue 4, 2011

Recent research comparing simultaneous and successive acquisition of bilingualism suggests that successive acquisition is affected by age-related changes possibly as early as age (of onset of acquisition) 3–4. Since children are typically exposed to colloquial varieties, the primary linguistic data can lack properties of formal varieties during early years. If, however, the acquisition of a given property is delayed until age 5 or later, the acquired knowledge may rather resemble that of L2 learners.This happens in the acquisition of French interrogatives where certain inversion constructions do not occur in Colloquial French. Native speakers acquire them after the age of 5, and they behave like L2 learners in using or judging them. A grammaticality judgment test reveals a broad range of variability in their ratings of constructions which are ungrammatical in Standard French. Their grammar is afflicted by the kind of persistent optionality familiar from L2 acquisition.

This study tests whether or not trilingual language learners rely on inhibitory control (IC) when accessing words during speech production. In particular, it investigates the extent to which second language (L2) and third language (L3) lexical robustness modulates such reliance. English language learners of French and Spanish participated in a picture-naming task containing language switches in all three of their languages. Analyses were conducted on the switching performance of the three languages followed by an exploration of how these effects were modulated by L2 and L3 lexical robustness. The results support reliance on IC for all three languages. Furthermore, the strength of L2 lexical robustness affected performance in all languages whereas the strength of L3 lexical robustness only affected L3 performance. The results suggest that in the context of having to switch between three languages within a single experiment, trilingual speakers rely on IC.

This paper reports the findings of an experiment into the syntactic constraints on auxiliary change under restructuring in Italian L2 grammars which are possibly at the end state. Its aim is to test the prediction of the original version of the Interface Hypothesis that narrow syntactic properties are fully acquirable in the L2. In Italian restructuring constructions with embedded unaccusatives, the change of auxiliary from avere (‘have’) to essere (‘be’) is either optional or obligatory depending on clitic presence and placement. A group of highly proficient L1 Croatian adult L2 learners of Italian and a group of adult Italian native speakers used Magnitude Estimation to express their auxiliary preferences in restructuring constructions with embedded unaccusatives. The L2 learners were shown not to know when auxiliary change is optional and when obligatory. Such findings are not consistent with the version of the Interface Hypothesis tested. Possible reasons for the incomplete acquisition of the phenomenon under scrutiny are discussed in the paper.