Linguistic Variation - Volume 17, Issue 2, 2017

This paper discusses object drop in English ‘reduced written register’ (RWR), such as recipes ( Haegeman 1987a , b , Massam & Roberge 1989 , Massam 1992 ) and diaries. Object drop differs from subject drop in RWR ( Haegeman 1997 , 2007 , this issue); dropped subjects can be of any person and can be expletives, while dropped objects can be third person only and cannot be expletives. I propose that object drop in RWR is dependent on article drop. I analyze null articles in RWR as the presence of a phonologically null determiner with the semantics of a choice function. To analyze object drop, I adopt Tomioka (2003) ’s analysis for Japanese null pronouns, in which a null determiner, combined with NP ellipsis, allows a constituent with pronominal-like semantics to go wholly unpronounced. I argue that a similar process is at work in English RWR, and argue that this analysis allows us to understand the person and expletive restrictions.

This paper argues based on a corpus-linguistic study that both omitted articles and copulae in German headlines are to be treated as null elements NA and NC. Both items need to be licensed by a specific (parsing) strategy known as discourse orientation ( Huang, 1984 ), which is also applicable in the special register of headlines. It is shown that distinguishing between discourse and sentence orientation and correlating these two strategies with λ-binding and existential quantification, respectively, naturally accounts for an asymmetry in article omission observed in Stowell (1991) .

This paper presents a corpus study of article omission in newspaper headlines. The corpus consists of material from a variety of Dutch and Flemish newspapers. The most important factor influencing the frequency of article omission in headlines is the journalistic genre in which it occurs. The main focus of the study is on the semantic and syntactic distribution of the phenomenon, on the basis of which a case will be made for its description as a manifestation of the more widespread decline of the article in Dutch and not as a phenomenon motivated solely by pragmatic factors.

The empirical focus of this paper is register based subject omission in English. On the basis of a range of empirical data (including naturally occurring examples) the paper first dispels a number of common misconceptions about the phenomenon such as the idea that (i) this phenomenon is only restricted to diary style, (ii) only first person subjects can be omitted, (iii) the null subject is an instantiation of pro, (iv) the null subject is always uniquely identified in the context. The paper develops the cartographic analysis of register based subject omission proposed in Haegeman (2013) and based on Rizzi’s (2006b) ‘Privilege of the Root’ approach. A key ingredient of the analysis is the hypothesis that there is a specialized projection for the encoding of subjecthood (SubjP).

In this paper, we present evidence in favour of a syntactic approach to subject drop in Swiss French text messages. Subject drop in our corpus follows patterns found in various so-called "written abbreviated registers" such as diaries, notes etc.: it occurs at the beginning of main sentences and after preposed adjuncts. Based on a corpus of 1100 text messages, collected in 2009/10 (www.sms4science.ch), we test predictions put forward by two approaches to argument drop in abbreviated registers, i.e. the "Avoid Weak Start" hypothesis by Weir (2012a) and the "Truncated CP hypothesis" by Haegeman (2013) . While for our data the first approach cannot be excluded, our results more strongly support the syntactic one, despite the fact that some data, especially preposed strong subject moi without clitic resumption, challenge existing analyses. These data suggest that dropped referential subjects can be analysed as instances of familiar topic drop.

English is not canonically considered a pro-drop language. Despite this, it does allow null pronouns, although less freely than traditional pro-drop languages like Italian and Japanese. The focus of this paper is the instructional register (characteristic of recipes) where we claim that object pronouns are obligatorily null in English: “Take 3 eggs. Break _ into a bowl.”. We present an analysis of Instructional Register Null Objects that also accounts for obligatorily null pronouns in certain radical pro-drop languages like Niuean. In this language, most pronouns are optionally null, however 3rd person inanimate pronouns are obligatorily null. We argue that the obligatorily null nature of such pronouns (whether register-specific like in English, or general as in Niuean) is a result of their lack of φ-features, which leaves them with only the option of being realized through Neeleman & Szendrői’s (2007) general Zero Spell-out Rule.

This paper examines the register associated with headlines in Malagasy. While in many languages headlines appear to have reduced structure as evidenced by the absence of certain grammatical markers (determiners, copulas, tense), Malagasy headlines show a change in word order from VOS to SVO. It is argued that like English, Malagasy headlines involve a truncated syntactic structure and that the absence of certain functional projections accounts for the change in word order.

In this paper I propose a new analysis of null arguments in Old Norwegian. I argue that the option of null realization in Old Norwegian correlates with a distinction between φP and DP pronouns in the sense of Déchaine & Wiltschko (2002) , and that this distribution can be captured by a version of pronoun deletion ( Roberts 2010b ). On a more general, theoretical level, I argue that both the structure of pronouns and that of the functional domains C, T and v influence the null argument properties of a language. Thus, null arguments, but also blocking of null arguments in non-null-argument languages like Modern Norwegian and English, may be derived in different ways.