Korean Linguistics - Volume 15, Issue 2, 2013

This paper examines the accent systems of Middle Korean (MK) and the contemporary Korean dialects (North/South Kyengsang, Hamkyeng/Yanbian) both synchronically and diachronically, focusing on native simplex nouns. In an analysis of the MK accent system, we clarify correlations between a syllable’s segmental shape and the accent class of the stem, and propose that in Proto-Korean native nouns did not have a distinctive pitch accent. We also show that MK (as well as Proto-Korean) had a right-to-left iambic prominence system in which the unaccented stem class had an underlying floating H tone reflecting an apocopated syllable from an earlier stage of the language. We then examine the regular accentual correspondences between MK and the contemporary dialects and hypothesize that the accent retraction found in the Kyengsang dialects (“Kyengsang accent shift”) took place after the introduction of Sino-Korean vocabulary. Finally, based on an Optimality Theoretic analysis, we show that all dialects including MK tend to avoid a lapse in accent at the right edge of the word, which is accomplished by different repair strategies.

The Korean Vowel Shift hypothesis (KVS) has been one of the most firmly entrenched tenets of Korean historical phonology since the 1960s, despite a number of published critiques from both theoretical and empirical standpoints. This paper aims to end the controversy over the KVS by demonstrating that the Mongolian loanwords, the purported primary philological evidence for the shift, do not support the KVS hypothesis. The reason for this is that the Old Mongolian vowel system that provided the source for the loans was almost certainly based on an RTR contrast, rather than the palatal contrast assumed by the KVS.

This article recapitulates some old evidence for the Japonic linguistic substratum in Silla and Paekche in and for the lack of thereof in Koguryǒ. It also introduces some new evidence for the same linguistic distribution. The new evidence for Koguryǒ comes mainly from words recorded in Chinese dynastic histories and from additional Korean loanwords identified in Manchu, the new evidence for Paekche from Liang shu, while the new evidence for Silla is based on the analysis of Silla placenames recorded in the Samguk sagi, which are traditionally considered to be opaque. The present article identifies a number of them as Japonic. Finally, I present the Japonic etymology for the former name of Chejudo island, T’amna.