International Journal of Chinese Linguistics - Volume 13, Issue 1, 2026

Abstract

This paper investigates the modern Chinese construction “X zhōng de X” (经典中的经典, jīng diǎn zhōng de jīng diǎn, classic among classics). Drawing on corpus-based method, we retrieved and manually annotated attested instances from BCC and CCL corpora, identified 440 tokens, and analyzed them within the framework of Cognitive Construction Grammar. The analysis focuses on three aspects: (i) the conditions for words to enter the “X” slots in the construction, (ii) the syntactic and semantic features of the construction, (iii) its cognitive motivations. The results show that “X” is flexible in word class but displays a clear preference for disyllabic and semantically salient items. Syntactically, the construction functions mainly as a predicative expression, while semantically it conveys a scalar evaluative meaning equivalent to “highly/most X,” typically with a positive stance. Its productivity is explained by multiple cognitive motivations, including inheritance within a constructional network, analogical extension, communicative efficiency, and pragmatic vagueness. These findings refine the description of the “X zhōng de X” construction and contribute to usage-based accounts of Chinese constructional productivity.

Abstract

This paper examines recent advancements in the study of donkey sentences in Mandarin. Cheng and Huang’s (1996) seminal work distinguishes two types of donkey conditionals, namely, bare conditionals and ruguo-/dou-conditionals, based on an alleged complementary distribution between wh-phrases and other anaphoric forms in the consequent clause. They argue that anaphoric wh-phrases function as bound variables, whereas anaphoric pronouns are interpreted as E-type pronouns. Pan and Jiang (2015) challenge this account by demonstrating that both wh-phrases and pronouns can function as either bound variables or E-type pronouns in both types of conditionals. In response, Cheng and Huang (2020) revise their original dichotomy in an effort to accommodate various counterexamples. This paper argues that their revised account remains inadequate, thereby supporting Pan and Jiang’s null hypothesis. We also evaluate a recent proposal that treats both wh-clauses in a bare conditional as wh-questions, and show that it faces significant problems. Finally, we situate Mandarin bare conditionals in a cross-linguistic context by highlighting their similarities with correlatives.

Abstract

Semantic transparency refers to the relationship between the meanings of whole-words and their constituent morphemes. Mandarin Chinese Quadrisyllabic Idiomatic Expressions (QIEs, also known as Cheng-Yu) have a similar property, in which the whole meaning is often more than the summed meanings of the component words. Using data from Wu (2016), we analyze the semantic transparency of QIEs as a function computational semantic similarity, word frequency, and syntactic structure. Our results indicate that the probability of a QIE being labelled as transparent increases with its frequency, whereas computational measures of semantic similarity and structure were not strongly associated with one existing set of semantic transparency labels. We hypothesize that these results may be influenced by the nature of QIEs, where their meaning may sometimes be obscured and based on traditional stories rather than any properties of the constituents — semantic or otherwise. Therefore, we advocate for the inclusion of word frequency as a factor in transparency rating of QIEs. Additionally, we suggest exploring other variables that may improve the transparency rating models.

Abstract

Exceptive construction (EC), an interesting pragma-rhetorical phenomenon, frequently occurs in Chinese interpersonal encounters. It refers to an utterance that achieves pragma-rhetorical effectiveness through superficial semantic incongruity. This is realized by a combination of affirmative and negative components and by the exclusion of one thing alongside the inclusion of another, establishing a meronymic or partitive relationship between the two parts. Few studies considered various contextual factors in actual use of EC or explained from a pragma-rhetorical perspective the reason why Chinese speakers often choose EC in interpersonal encounters, hence descriptive inadequacy and explanatory inadequacy. Drawing on the Pragma-rhetorical Principle and data from the classical Chinese novel A Dream of Red Mansions, this paper conducts a qualitative plus quantitative corpus-based analysis of EC’s syntactic, semantic properties and pragma-rhetorical function and effect in Chinese contexts. It is hoped that this study will offer insights for understanding traditional rhetorical devices from a pragma-rhetorical perspective, as well as contrastive studies of Chinese and English.

抽象的

本文从语言库藏类型学的视角，重新审视汉语光杆名词语和类指的关系，指出类指成分的本质属性是凸显内涵、抑制外延；不带任何个体性标记（数形态、定/不定冠词等）的光杆名词语才是表达类指成分最自然的形式，其所表征的类指是一种元指称。本文认为汉语光杆NP就是类指成分，其大量使用，包括自由充当论元，反映了汉语的类指优先特点，隐性限定词或N向D移位的假说无法给出自洽的解释。类指优先语言中的光杆类指NP可以在谓语类型、句法位置和语境的合力下实现两个方向的扩展功能。一是外延浮现，可获有定或无定的个体解读，但仍保留凸显内涵的功能。二是外延被彻底抑制，作为无指成分出现。汉语的类指优先特点表现在许多方面，如在主语、宾语、把字宾语等槽位大量使用凸显内涵的光杆NP，其句法后果有： (1) 众多句法槽位优先采用光杆类指NP； (2) 有丰富的离合词； (3) 有丰富多样的不凸显个体的旁格宾语； (4) 类指成份常常话题化。文章最后进行了跨方言比较，指出在量词显赫的南方方言中由定指量词发展出兼表类指或专表类指的准冠词，形成次生类指。本文认为光杆名词受限是因为部分语言定指范畴高度语法化，压缩了光杆NP的句法功能，根据定指范畴显赫的语言形成的DP理论未必适合光杆名词功能强大的类指优先语言。

This article reviews A Social View on the Chinese Language9781433179822