International Journal of Chinese Linguistics - Volume 9, Issue 2, 2022

This paper proposes an eventive copula 做 tso³ in contrast with the stative copula 是 si⁷ in Taiwanese Southern Min. The eventive copula 做 tso³ can be established on syntactic grounds. It can occur in copular small clauses on purposive phrases c-selected by distinct types of matrix verbs. The eventive copula 做 tso³ and the stative copula 是 si⁷ are in complementary distribution. Furthermore, due to its eventive nature the copula 做 tso³ is compatible with experiential and progressive aspect markers and durative time adverbs. Nevertheless, unlike the stative copular 是 si⁷, the eventive 做 tso³ cannot function as a focus marker. In addition, the eventive copula 做 tso³ rather than its stative counterpart 是 si⁷ is limited to predicational clauses only.

This paper aims to provide a resolution of Frege’s difficulties in the semantic composition of discourse reporting by conducting a case study of Zuozhuan. The sample corpus involves a typical contrast between semantic transparency and discourse reporting. As is revealed by the special wording of ancient Chinese, it should be the fact represented by the mixed quotation that serves as the object of the reporting predicate. This leads to objectification of a fact. Hence it can be inferred that a specific layer of meaning is picked out by a specific reporting predicate. When this inference is applied to the case of direct speech, it follows that some layers of its pragmatic meaning contribute to the semantic meaning of the reporting clause by being singled out as the objects of the reporting predicates. Some of them are abstract entities, like rheme and illocution. This leads to objectification of an abstract entity. In defense of objectification, we find that the difficulties of the compositionality principle (CP) in discourse reporting are caused by the ignorance of the hierarchical structure of discourse and the false belief that objects must be concrete entities in the world. Objectification enables the CP to be recursively applied from a reported clause to a reporting clause.

In the duō event quantity construction, duō ‘much’ is a quantity adjective. What duō ‘much’ modifies is the root of the verb and the root has to move to the light verb position to be categorically defined. The quantity adjective duō ‘much’ functions to introduce a measure function which measures the event denoted by the verb along the dimension valued by the assignment function A, and the domain to which the measure function applies must be monotonic. So, the ‘modification’ relation between the quantity adjective duō ‘much’ and its modifyee essentially differs from that between a typical gradable adjective like tián ‘sweat’ and its modifyee. This explains how the quantity adjective duō ‘much’ differs from the typical adjective in syntax and semantics.

In this paper, I focus on the Mandarin spatial preposition zai (‘at’), which can appear in the VP domain, like other spatial prepositions, but which can also appear in the TP domain, where it’s presence or absence is sensitive to the animacy and definiteness properties of its object. I argue that zai’s distribution and behavior in the TP domain is expected if it functions as a differential argument marker triggered by internal topicalization of its object. Implications of the current analysis for the internal structure of spatial PPs are also considered.

Refutatory na-sentences possess several syntactic properties that are absent in their interrogative counterparts. First, they carry the assertive rather than interrogative force; second, they are mainly used to refute a claim made by another interlocutor. Given the fact that such a distinction is correlated with the position that na ‘where’ occupies in sentence, I propose that when na serves as an interrogative wh-phrase, it is nominal and consists of na and an indefinite morpheme concerning location; in contrast, when na is a refutatory marker, it is an adjunct, containing an additional negative operator that binds a location-associated variable encoded in the indefinite morpheme. The refutatory na further has to move to the Spec of ForceP at LF to acquire the illocutionary force. This analysis not only accounts for the syntactic and pragmatic properties of the refutatory na, but also supports the claim that Mandarin wh-arguments and wh-adjuncts are formed differently.

This study investigates the discourse-pragmatic functions of the epistemic markers haoxiang “seem” and keneng “probably” in natural conversations of Mandarin Chinese. By examining 107 cases of haoxiang and 152 cases of keneng in sequential contexts, it demonstrates that both haoxiang and keneng are hedge expressions showing the speaker’s attitude of lack of commitment to the truthfulness of their own utterance, which is often driven by an intersubjective motivation.

As epistemic markers, haoxiang tends to mitigate informational certainty that is based on the speaker’s personal but vague experience, while keneng is often used to mitigate the assertiveness of the speaker’s personal speculation deduced from background knowledge, general knowledge or commonly accepted logic.

Further, this study claims that both haoxiang and keneng often serve as politeness devices to mitigate various Face Threatening Acts (FTAs) such as disconfirmation, disagreement or negative assessment. In either case, haoxiang and keneng are not merely epistemic markers revealing the speaker’s subjective uncertainty, but also serve as politeness markers for the purpose of intersubjectivity, and their multiple discourse-pragmatic usages are rooted in their semantic meanings, respectively.