Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area - Volume 46, Issue 2, 2023

This paper focuses on stem alternations in Pingwu Baima (Tibetic). It examines a larger corpus of data than the corpora in previous works and systematically relates alternating verbs to classical WT paradigms. Our data reveal a relatively high number of alternating verbs in Baima, with verbs with two stems constituting the absolute majority of all alternating verbs. A systematic comparison of alternating verbs to classical WT paradigms confirms that stem alternations in Baima regularly reflect OT verb morphology. Such a comparison also reveals a clear tendency toward elimination in Baima of a separate imperative stem of classical paradigms. This tendency toward elimination of the imperative stem has not been commonly reported in modern Tibetic languages. An examination of Baima verb stem alternation in the context of its neighboring Tibetic and non-Tibetic varieties suggests language contact as a possible trigger for this development.

This article compares the word list collected by and published in LTBA 21.2 by the late Robbins Burling and Mr Mankai Wangsu in 1998, a word list that represents ‘Lower Wancho’, with a word list collected from Mr Banwang Losu of Kamhua Noknu village, in the Upper Wancho area. Along with the word list and a brief discussion of the phonology of this Upper Wancho variety, we introduce the Wancho script, created by Banwang Losu, now included in Unicode and being used for teaching in the Wancho area. The article includes an introduction presenting information about the diversity of clans and linguistic varieties with what we now term Wancho, and also contains a brief phonological overview with script included and some grammatical information relating to verb stem alternation found in Wancho, and mostly expressed by tone variation between the stems.

A particular lexical construction for “sun” composed of morphemes for “eye” and either “day” or “sky” has been widely reported for Austronesian languages. Urban (2010) made the case for this phenomenon as an areal feature originating in Austronesian, with attestation in Austroasiatic and Tai-Kadai varieties, but absent in Sino-Tibetan. A follow-up (Blust 2011) argued for the possibility of independent genesis across the languages, while reiterating the absence of the feature in Sino-Tibetan. This paper presents a large scale survey of Tibeto-Burman language varieties. Data from this region show widespread occurrence of the phenomenon in distinct constructions, arguing against contact as the inciting factor. Instead, this paper argues for multiple innovation events, with only small scale regional spread through contact. Data are analysed from approximately 250 doculects from a wide range of sources, including newly elicited data for Bodo-Garo, Maringic and Northern Naga varieties.

This paper presents a comprehensive synchronic study of Stau kinship terms, offering a detailed analysis of their classifications and characteristics. Stau kinship terms are categorized into vocative and referential/possessive forms. Vocative kinship terms follow the intonation pattern of other vocative phrases, particularly barytonesis, which involves stress and intonation shifting from the second syllable to the first. The paper explores the distinctions within younger sibling relationships, dividing kinship terms into male Ego and female Ego categories based on the sex of the connecting relative. The kinship prefix æ-, commonly found in Qiangic languages, is exclusively used in vocative and referential/possessive kinship terms referring to older kin (both male and female). The study also identifies specific vocative and referential kinship terms that describe dyads of kinship relationships, similar to Tibetic languages like the Amdo dialects spoken in Stau-speaking areas. Stau maintains a sex-based distinction for kinship terms across all generations. Referential/possessive kinship terms in Gen⁻¹ and Gen⁻² differentiate between lineal and collateral relationships, while in vocative terms, only Gen⁻¹ distinguishes between lineal and collateral relatives. Gen⁺¹ consanguineal vocative kinship terms exhibit distinctions for lineal/collateral and matrilateral/patrilateral relationships. However, the matrilateral/patrilateral distinction is neutralized in Gen⁺¹ affinal vocative kinship terms. Gen⁺¹ affinal referential/possessive kinship terms differentiate matrilateral and patrilateral relationships when using a possessive phrase, but not when using the simple base term. Age relative to Ego plays a distinct role in Gen⁰ kinship terms, both vocative and referential/possessive. Sibling terms are differentiated from cousin terms in Gen⁰ referential/possessive terms using the tʰɛv(=ɡə ŋə-rə) ‘is a relative’ copula phrase. Regarding cousin kinship typology, Stau aligns with the Hawaiian type in the vocative and the Eskimo type in the referential. The Hawaiian type serves as the foundational basis due to shared roots in both vocative and referential contexts. For Gen⁺¹ terms, Stau follows the Sudanese system, each consanguineal kin with their own term. Gen⁻¹ terms follow the Eskimo system.

This article presents the first diachronic investigation of the honorific register in Tibetic languages. Although all historically attested Tibetic languages possess at least some rudimentary forms used to convey respect to others, no reconstruction of their origins has been previously attempted. In the article, the distinction is made between primary or simple honorifics and secondary or complex honorifics that are derived from the primary ones. It is argued that primary honorifics evolved from common lexical units by metaphorical extension and, strengthened through their use in ceremonial contexts, were eventually re-interpreted as expressing social deixis, originally with respect to the royal family, later extended to other persons of higher social standing.